DFDBAY  JJQJAH   ODH  IP/ML© S 


Iran  As  Hnij'mdi Artnrif ;/,.  (ht  C 


JJQJAB   55QJAIREZ 


RELATION 


Eranslatetr  from  tfje 


BUCKINGHAM    SMITH 


Los  tiempos  son  como  los  rios,  que  no  pneden  volver  atriis.  De  ellos 
quedan  en  la  memoria  de  los  hombres  el  recucrdo  de  las  hazanas  mas  in- 
signcs  asi  en  valor  como  en  maldnd.  Adolf o  de  Castro. 


NEW    YORK 

1871 


X 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1871, 

By  the  Estate  of  BUCKINGHAM  SMITH, 
In  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


EDITION,  100  COPIES  ONLY. 


TO  THE  READER. 


The  sudden  death  of  the  author  of  this  volume, 
while  its  first  sheets  were  passing  through  the  press, 
devolved  upon  his  friends  the  duty  of  completing  its 
publication.  He  had  carefully  revised  the  entire 
translation  and  notes,  but  had  not  prepared,  as  he 
had  intended,  two  maps  showing  the  route  of  Alvar 
Nunez,  somewhat  differently  from  what  he  had  con 
ceived  in  the  former  edition,  and  the  work  appears 
accordingly  without  them.  These  differences  related 
principally,  it  is  believed,  to  the  place  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  where  the  adventurer  spent  the  long  interval 
during  which  his  narrative  is  silent,  and  the  inland 
point  from  whence  he  afterwards  started  on  his 
western  route.  While  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  we 
are  thus  deprived  of  the  conclusions  upon  this  inter 
esting  inquiry  of  one  who  had  made  the  subject  a 
study  of  years,  the  question  is  one  after  all,  perhaps, 
upon  which  readers  will  prefer  to  decide  for  them 
selves.  The  translator  in  a  note  on  page  44,  promised 
to  furnish  in  the  Appendix  a  paper  respecting  the 
hieroglyph  of  Don  Pedro  to  be  found  in  that  note.  No 
such  paper  has  been  discovered.  It  was  his  intention, 
also  to  have  given  a  sketch  of  the  life  of  Alvar  I^unez, 


Jv  TO  THE  READER. 

but  some  documents  only  for  that  purpose  were  found 
among  his  papers.  These  were  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Thomas  ~W.  Field,  Esq.,  who  has  drawn  up  the 
very  interesting  account  inserted  in  the  Appendix. 
The  reading  of  the  proof  sheets  was  committed  by 
Mr.  Smith  in  his  life  time  to  Miss  Maria  J.  B.  Browne, 
of  ~New  York,  who  has  faithfully  performed  the  task. 

This  volume,  signalized  as  it  is,  by  the  sad  "occur 
rence  which  calls  forth  this  prefatory  note,  required 
some  memorial  of  the  translator,  for  the  narrative 
not  only  occupied  his  thoughts  in  an  extraordinary 
degree,  as  presenting  one  of  the  earliest  explorations 
by  Europeans  of  the  land  of  his  birth,  and  an  ori 
ginal  picture  of  the  savage  tribes  of  the  southern 
and  western  territories  of  the  United  States,  when 
first  discovered  by  the  white  man,  but  has  received 
much  elucidation  by  his  valuable  annotations.  The 
lovers  of  our  early  history,  for  whose  especial  gratifi 
cation  this  edition  sees  the  light,  will  be  pleased  for 
this  reason  to  have  the  memoir  written  by  his  dis 
tinguished  friend,  Dr.  J.  Gilmary  Shea,  which  is 
appended  to  the  work. 

BROOKLYN,  May,  1871. 


INTRODUCTION. 


To  no  one  more  appropriately  than  to  George 
W.  Riggs  of  Washington,  could  these  remarks  be 
addressed.  The  occasion  is  agreeably  recalled, 
when  near  twenty  years  ago  a  first  translation  into 
English,  of  this  tract,  with  maps  and  notes  that 
attempted  to  trace  the  route  of  the  army  of 
Narvaez,  was  greeted  in  the  library  of  Peter  Force. 
Although  the  narrative  had  appeared  in  other 
languages,  the  points  of  march  were  at  no  time 
indicated,  nor  was  it  thought  possible  to  ascertain 
them ;  and,  finally,  the  story  itself,  though  perused 
with  delight  in  the  beginning,  went  not  unchal 
lenged,  and  at  the  close  of  three  centuries,  amidst- 
the  most  solemn  protestations  of  sincerity,  came 
to  be  condemned  by  no  mean  authority,  as 
deformed  by  bold  exaggerations  and  the  wildest 
fiction.  Opinion  under  the  array  of  facts  is  yield 
ing  to  the  force  of  truth.  Things  that  the  author 
speaks  of  as  "very  new  and  most  difficult  of 


yj  INTRODUCTION. 

belief,"  instruct  and  find  credence  in  the  last  third 
of  the  nineteenth  century. 

While  filling  an  official  position  in  Mexico,  due 
to  the  influence  of  Jackson  Morton,  Senator  from 
Florida,  the  translator  found  a  field  for  historical 
investigation  ;  and,  later,  to  William  Pitt  Fessen- 
den  of  Maine,  he  is  indebted  for  a  like  position 
near  the  court  at  Madrid,  that  presented  a  still  more  , 
extensive  area.  These  admissions  of  obligation 
can  have  no  significancy  in  the  future,  no  word  of 
salutation  from  the  past.  It  is  but  an  acknowl 
edgment  made  to  generous  spirits  in  the  account 
of  years. 

The  first  imprint  of  the  Relation,  a  book  ex 
tremely  rare,  was  made  in  the  year  1542.  It 
comprises  sixty-seven  leaves  octavo,  with  the 
following  title  page  and  colophon  : 

^[  La  relacion  que  dio  Aluar  nu- 1|  nez  cabe§a  de 
vaca  de  lo  acaescido  en  las  Indias||en  la  armada 
donde  yua  por  gouernador  Pa  ||  philo  de  narbaez, 
desde  el  ano  de  veynte  ||  y  siete  hasta  el  ano  de 
treynta  y  seys  ||  que  boluio  a  Seuilla  con  tres  ||  de 
su  compania. : .  || 

^f  Fue  impresso  el  presente  tra- 1|  tado  en  la  mag- 
nifica,  noble, yantiquissma  9iudad||deZamora:  por 


INTRODUCTION.  v[{ 

los  honrrados  varones  Augu  ||  stin  de  paz  y  Juan 
Picardo  companeros  im  ||  pressores  de  libros  vezinos 
de  la  dicha  QIU  ||  dad.  A  costa  y  espensas  del  vir 
tuoso  va||ron  Juan  pedro  musetti  mercader  ||  de 
libros  vezino  de  Medina  del  ||  campo.  Acabose  en 
seys  dias  ||  del  mes  de  Octubre.  Ano  ||  del  nas§i- 
miento  de  nro  Sal  ||  uador  Jesu  Cristo  de  ||  mil 
y  quinientos  y  ||  quarenta  y  dos  jj  Anos. 

The  next  edition,  in  nearly  the  same  form  and 
black  letter,  printed  in  the  year  1550,  is  connected 
with  a  work  from  another  hand.  The  title  page 
gives  the  subjects  of  both  volumes. 

The  text  of  the  latter  edition  differs  from  the 
earlier  one  in  the  spelling  of  the  names  of  several 
Indian  nations,  the  omission  of  one  name,  and  in 
the  failure  to  mention  that  of  an  island.  These 
may  be  only  changes  made  by  the  author.  The 
matter  is  likewise  differently  divided.  The  chap 
ters  have  headings,  and  the  pages  a  running  title. 
There  is  also  a  table  of  the  contents  of  chapters, 
and  a  numbering  of  leaves  to  Ivj.  which  closes  with 
the  line,  Deo  Gracias.  The  enumeration  con 
tinues  through  the  Comentarios,  written  by  Pero 
Fernandez  to  leaf  cxliiij. 


INTRODUCTION. 

^[  La  relacion  y  comentarios  del  gouernador 
Aluar  nunez  cabe§a  de  vaca,  de  lo  acaescido  en  las 
dos  jornadas.  que  hizo  a  las  Indias.  Con  priuilegio. 

Esta  tassada  por  los  senores  del  consejo  en  Ocheta  y  cinco  mrs. 

The  third  and  last  issue  in  Spanish  was  imprinted 
in  the  year  17$  9,  folio,  among  the  Historiadores 
Primitivos  de  las  Indias  Occidentales  of  Barcia. 
It  is  a  copy  of  the  second  edition,  with  an  index 
to  the  contents,  the  proem  and  table  being  omitted. 
The  text  continues  without  paragraphing.  The 
title  is  : 

Navfragios  ||  De  Alvar  Nunez  ||  Cabeza  De 
Vaca;  ||y  ||  Relacion  De  La  Jornada,  ||  que  hizo  a 
la  Florida  con  el  Adelantado  ||  Panfilode  Narvaez. 

In  the  Historical  Collection  of  Ramusio,  a  trans 
lation  was  published  in  Italian  at  Venice,  made 
from  the  first  edition.  The  single  edition  in  French 
is  of  H.  Ternaux  Compans,  Paris,  1837. 

The  only  version  in  English,  intended  to  be 
literal,  was  printed  in  the  year  1851,  in  one 
hundred  copies,  for  a  gentleman  conversant  with 
the  history  of  American  discovery,  who  desired  to 
place  in  the  hands  of  students  and  a  few  acquaint 
ances,  one  of  the  earliest  authentic  relations.  In 


INTRODUCTION.  jx 

the  UD avoidable  absence  of  the  translator,  a  friend 
obligingly  gave  it  his  editorial  supervision. 

When  the  survivors  of  those  who  un^er  Narvaez 
had  designed  the  conquest  of  Florida,  arrived  in 
Mexico,  they  wrote  to  the  Aitdienda  of  Espanola 
an  account  of  the  fate  of  the  armament,  their  own 
toil,  suffering  and  servitude,  the  countries  whither 
they  had  wandered  and  the  character  of  their 
discoveries.  From  this  letter,  which  is  not  sup 
posed  to  exist,  was  taken  the  relation  given  in  the 
Historic  de  las  Indias.  Although  Oviedo  assures 
us  of  his  care  in  trimming  away  redundancies,  to 
touch  nothing  of  value,  he  has  certainly  been  at 
fault.  His  remarks  and  reflections  in  running 
commentary  with  the  narration,  while  not  without 
fitness  and  even  wit,  we  would  willingly  spare  for 
what  might  -  be  the  uncouth  proportions  of  the 
original,  with  the  unmistakable  features  of  genuine 
ness,  The  facts  in  the  chronicle,  not  to  be  found 
in  the  Relation,  or  not  in  exact  accord  with  it, 
have  been  carefully  culled  and  placed  in  the  margins 
of  the  translated  pages,  or  are  carried  in  sections 
to  the  Addenda. 

In  Mexico  before  the  survivors  of  the  enterprise 
separated,  Mendoza  required  of  them  a  map  of  the 


x  INTRODUCTION. 

territories  over  which  they  had  traveled.  They 
accordingly  made  one  and  placed  it  in  the  hands 
of  the  viceroy.1  It  is  believed  not  to  exist. 

On  the  arrival  of  Alvar  Nunez  at  Sevilla,  he  was 
summoned  to  declare  before  the  counsel  of  Indias 
what  he  saw  and  knew  of  Florida.  He  answered 
that  he  was  on  the  eve  of  departure  to  report  in. 
person  to  the  emperor.2  A  royal  order  had  already 
required  his  presence,  and  at  once  he  responded  to 
it.  Hastening  to  Valladolid  he  appeared  before 
Charles  V.  The  hide  of  the  bison,  a  few  emeralds, 
a  handful  of  turquoise,  with  the  relation  of  an 
impracticable  fortune,  were  the  only  evidences  of 
diligence  and  good  conduct  he  could  lay  at  the  feet 
of  his  imperial  master. 


1  Crdnica  de  Mechoacan  by  the  R.  Pe.  Fray  PABJ,O  BEAUMONT,  MS. 
s  Letter  of  ZAKATE  and  CAVALLEROS  to  the  King,  8th  Nov.  1537,  MS. 
in  the  Lonja. 


RELATION 


ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABECA  DE  VACA 


Mel  tfje  Ermament  in 


PANFILO  DE  NARVAEZ  WENT  FOR   GOVERNOR 


THE  YEAR   1527  TO  THE   YEAR  1537 

WHEN   WITH   THREE   COJfRADES   HE   RETURNED   AND 
CAME   TO   SEVLLLA 


PROEM. 


Sacred  Csesarian  Catholic  Majesty : * 

Among  the  many  who  have  held  sway,  I  think  no  prince  can  be 
found  whose  service  has  been  attended  with  the  ardor  and  emulation 
shown  for  that  of  your  Highness  at  this  time.  The  inducement  is 
evident  and  powerful :  men  do  not  pursue  together  the  same  career 
without  motive,  and  strangers  are  observed  to  strive  with  those  who 
are  equally  impelled  by  religion  and  loyalty. 

Although  ambition  and  love  of  action  are  common  to  all,  as  to  the 
advantages  that  each  may  gain,  there  are  great  inequalities  of  fortune, 
the  result  not  of  conduct,  but  only  accident,  nor  caused  by  the  fault 
of  any  one,  but  coming  in  the  providence  of  God  and  solely  by  His 
will.  Hence  to  one  arises  deeds  more  signal  than  he  thought  to 
achieve  ;  to  another  the  opposite  in  every  way  occurs,  so  that  he  can 
show  no  higher  proof  of  purpose  than  his  effort,  and  at  times  even 
this  is  so  concealed  that  it  cannot  of  itself  appear. 

As  for  me,  I  can  say  in  undertaking  the  march  I  made  on  the  main 
by  the  royal  authority,  I  firmly  trusted  that  my  conduct  and  services 
would  be  as  evident  and  distinguished  as  were  those  of  my  ancestors, 
and  that  I  should  not  have  to  speak  in  order  to  be  reckoned  aAong 
those  who  for  diligence  and  fidelity  in  affairs  your  Majesty  honors. 
Yet,  as  neither  my  counsel  nor  my  constancy  availed  to  gain  aught 
for  which  we  set  out,  agreeably  to  your  interests,  for  our  sins,  no 
one  of  the  many  armaments  that  have  gone  into  those  parts  has  been 
permitted  to  find  itself  in  straits  great  like  ours,  or  come  to  an  end 
alike  forlorn  and  fatal.  To  me,  one  only  duty  remains,  to  present  a 
relation  of  what  was  seen  and  heard  in  the  ten  years  I  wandered  lost 

1  Addressed  to  Charles  V.  Emperor  of  Germany,  being  Charles  I.  King  of  Spain,  of 
the  Sicilies,  etc.,  etc. 


12  PRUl.M. 

and  in  privation  through  many  and  remote  lands.1  Not  merely  a 
statement  of  positions  and  distances,  animals  and  vegetation,  but  of 
the  diverse  customs  of  the  many  and  very  barbarous  people  with 
whom  I  talked  and  dwelt,  as  well  as  all  other  matters  I  could  hear 
of  and  discern,  that  in  some  way  I  may  avail  your  Highness.  My 
hope  of  going  out  from  among  those  nations  was  always  small,  still 
my  care  and  diligence  were  none  the  less  to  keep  in  particular  re 
membrance  everything,  that  if  at  any  time  God  our  Lord  should  will 
to  bring  me  where  I  now  am,  it  might  testify  to  my  exertion  in  the 
royal  behalf. 

As  the  narrative  is  in  my  opinion  of  no  trivial  value  to  those  who 
in  your  name  go  to  subdue  those  countries  and  bring  them  to  a  know 
ledge  of  the  true  faith  and  true  Lord,  and  under  the  imperial 
dominion,  I  have  written  this  with  much  exactness ;  and  although 
in  it  may  be  read  things  very  novel  and  for  some  persons  difficult 
to  believe,  nevertheless  they  may  without  hesitation  credit  me  as 
strictly  faithful.  Better  than  to  exaggerate,  I  have  lessened  in  all 
things,  and  it  is  sufficient  to  say  the  relation  is  offered  to  your  Majesty 
for  truth.  I  beg  it  may  be  received  in  the  name  of  homage,  since  it 
is  the  most  that  one  could  bring  who  returned  thence  naked. 

1  The  fleet  arrived  at  the  Island  of  Santo  Domingo  from  Spain  about  the  month 
of  September  1527,  and  Cabeea  de  Vaca  left  Cuba,  returning  on  the  2d  day  of 
June  1537,  so  that  he  was  absent  nearly  ten  years.  From  Ihe  time  he  landed  in 
Florida,  the  14th  of  April  1528,  until  he  arrived  at  the  Spanish  settlements  on  the 
Gulf  of  California  in  15.%,  there  was  an  interval  of  eight  years ;  and  one  year  more 
elapsed  before  he  went  from  Veracruz  to  Spaiu. 


RELATION 


ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABECA  DE  VACA, 


CHAPTER  I. 

IN  WHICH  IS  TOLD  WHEN  THE  ARMADA  SAILED,  AND  OF 
THE  OFFICERS  AND  PERSONS  WHO  WENT  IN  IT. 

On  the  seventeenth  day  of  June,*  in  the  year  fifteen- 
hundred  and  twenty-seven,  the  Governor  Panphilo  de 
Narvaez  left  the  port  of  San  Liicar  de  Barrameda, 
authorized  and  commanded  by  your  Majesty  to  con 
quer  and  govern  the  provinces  of  the  main,  extending 
from  the  river  Palmas  to  the  cape  of  Florida.1  The 
fleet  he  took  was  five  ships,  in  which  went  six  hundred 
men,  a  few  more  or  less ;  the  officers  (for  we  shall  have 
to  speak  of  them),  were  these,  with  their  rank :  Gsibeqa 
de  Vaca,  Treasurer  and  High-sheriff;  Alonzo  Enrriquez, 
Comptroller ;  Alonzo  de  Solis,  Distributor  to  your  Ma 
jesty  and  Assessor;  Juan  Xuarez,  a  friar  of  Saint  Francis, 
Commissary,  and  four  more  friars  of  the  same  order.2 

We  arrived  at  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  where 
we  tarried  near  forty-five  days,  engaged  in  .procuring 
for  ourselves  some  necessary  material,  particularly 
horses.  Here  we  lost  from  our  fleet  more  than  one 

*June  17.  1527 


14  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

hundred  and  forty  men,  who  wished  to  remain,  seduced 
by  the  partidos,  and  advantages  held  out  to  them  by 
the  people  of  that  country. 

We  sailed  from  the  island  and  arrived  at  Santiago, 
a  port  of  Cuba,  where,  during  some  days  that  we 
remained,  the  Governor  supplied  himself  further  with 
men,  also  with  arms  and  horses.  It  happened  there 
that  a  gentleman,  Vasco  Porcallo  of  Trinidad,3 -which 
is  also  on  the  island,  offered  to  give  the  Governor 
some  provisions  which  he  had  in  the  town,  a  hundred 
leagues  from  the  port  of  Santiago.4  Accordingly  the 
Governor  set  out  with  all  the  fleet  for  Trinidad ;  but 
coming  to  a  port  half  way,  called  Cabo  de  Santa  Cruz, 
he  thought  it  well  to  wait  there,  and  send  a  vessel  to 
bring  the  stores.  To  this  end  he  ordered  that  a  Cap 
tain  Pantoja  should  go  for  them  with  his  ship,  and  for 
greater  security,  that  I  should  accompany  him  with 
another.  The  Governor  remained  with  four  ships, 
having  bought  one  at  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo. 

We  having  arrived  with  the  two  vessels  at  the  port 
of  Trinidad,  Captain  Pantoja  went  \\ithVascoPorcalk- 
to  the  town,  a  league  off,  to  receive  the  provisions, 
\vhile  I  remained  at  sea  with  the  pilots,  who  said  we 
ought  to  go  thence  with  the  greatest  dispatch  possible, 
for  it  was  a  very  bad  port  in  which  many  vessels  were 
lost.  As  what  there  occurred  to  us  was  very  remark 
able,  it  appears  to  me  not  foreign  to  the  purpose  with 
which  I  write  this,  to  relate  it  here. 

The  next  morning  began  to  give  signs  of  bad  wea 
ther  ;  rain  commenced  falling,  and  the  sea  ran  so  high, 


CABE£A  DE   VACA.  J5 

that,  although  I  gave  the  men  permission  to  go  on 
shore,  many  of  them  returned  to  the  ship  to  avoid 
exposure  to  the  wet  and  cold,  and  because  the  town 
was  a  league  away.  In  this  time  a  canoe  came  off, 
bringing  me  a  letter  from  a  resident  of  the  place, 
asking  me  to  come  for  the  needed  provisions  that  were 
there;  from  which  request  I  excused  myself,  saying 
that  I  could  not  leave  the  ships.  At  noon  the  canoe 
returned  with  another  letter,  in  which  I  was  solicited 
again  with  much  urging,  and  a  horse  was  brought  for 
me  to  ride.  I  gave  the  same  answer  as  before,  that 
I  could  not  leave  the  ships;  but  the  pilots  and  the 
people  entreated  me  to  go,  so  that  I  might  hasten  the 
provisions  as  fast  as  possible,  and  we  might  join  the 
fleet  where  it  lay,  for  they  had  great  fear  lest  remain 
ing  long  in  this  port,  the  ships  should  be  lost.  For 
these  reasons,  I  determined  to  go  to  the  town;  but 
first  I  left  orders  with  the  pilots,  that  if  the  south  wind, 
which  often  wrecks  vessels  there,  came  on  to  blow, 
and  they  should  find  themselves  in  much  danger,  to 
put  the  ships  on  shore  at  some  place  where  the  men  and 
horses  could  be  saved.  I  wished  to  take  some  of  the 
men  with  me  for  company ;  but  they  said  the  weather 
was  too  rainy  and  cold,  and  the  town  too  far  off;  that 
to-morrow,  which  was  Sunday,  they  would  come,  with 
God's  help,  and  hear  mass. 

An  hour  after  I  left,  the  sea  began  to  rise  very  high, 
and  the  north  wind  was  so  violent  that  neither  the 
boats  dared  come  to  land,  nor  could  the  vessels  be 
let  drive  on  shore,  because  of  the  head  wind,  so  that 


Jg  RELATION  OP  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

the  people  remained  severely  laboring  against  the 
adverse  weather,  and  under  a  heavy  fall  of  water  all 
that  day  and  Sunday  until  dark.  At  this  time,  the 
rain  and  the  tempest  had  increased  to  such  a  degree, 
there  was  no  less  agitation  in  the  town  than  on  the 
sea;  for  all  the  houses  and  churches  fell,  and  it  was 
necessary  in  order  to  move  upright,  that  we  should  go 
seven  or  eight  holding  on  to  each  other  that  the  wind 
might  not  blow  us  away ;  and  walking  in  the  groves, 
we  had  no  less  fear  of  the  trees  than  of  the  houses,  as 
they  too  were  falling  and  might  kill  us  under  them. 
In  this  tempest  and  danger  we  wandered  all  night, 
without  finding  place  or  spot  where  we  could  remain 
a  half  hour  in  safety.  During  the  time,  particularly 
from  midnight  forward,  we  heard  much  tumult  and 
great  clamor  of  voices,  the  sound  of  timbrels,  flutes 
and  tamborines,  as  well  as  other  instruments,  which 
lasted  until  the  morning,  when  the  tempest  ceased. 
Nothing  so  terrible  as  this  storm,  had  been  seen  in 
those  parts  before.  I  drew  up  an  authenticated  ac 
count  of  it,  and  sent  the  testimony  to  your  Majesty.5 
.  On  Monday  morning  we  went  down  to  the  harbor, 
but  did  not  find  the  ships.  The  buoys  belonging  to 
them  were  floating  on  the  water ;  whence  we  knew  the 
ships  were  lost,  and  we  walked  along  the  shore  to  see 
if  any  thing  could  be  found  of  them.  As  nothing  was 
discovered,  we  struck  into  the  woods,  and,  having 
traveled  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  in  water,  we  found 
the  little  boat  of  a  ship  lodged  upon  some  trees.  Ten 
leagues  thence,  along  the  coast,  two  bodies  were  found, 


CABE£A  DE   VACA.  ^ 

belonging  to  my  ship,  and  some  lids  of  boxes ;  but 
the  persons  were  so  disfigured  by  beating  against  the 
rocks  that  they  could  not  be  recognized.  A  cloak  too 
was  seen,  also  a  coverlet  rent  in  pieces,  and  nothing 
more.  Sixty  persons  were  lost  in  the  ships,  and 
twenty  horses.  Those  who  had  gone  on  shore  the  day 
of  our  arrival,  who  may  have  been  as  many  as  thirty, 
were  all.  the  survivors  of  both  ships.  During  some 
days  we  were  struggling  with  much  hardship  and 
hunger;  for  the  provisions  and  subsistence  were  de 
stroyed,  and  some  herds.  The  country  was  left  in  a 
condition  piteous  to  behold;  the  trees  prostrate,  the 
woods  parched,  there  being  neither  grass  nor  leaf. 

Thus  we  lived  until  the  fifth  day  of  November,*  when 
the  Governor  arrived  with  four  ships,  which  had  lived 
through  the  great  storm,  having  run  into  a  place  of 
safety  in  good  time.  The  people  who  came  in  them, 
as  well  as  those  on  shore,  were  so  intimidated  by  wha.t 
had  passed,  that  they  feared  to  go  on  board  in  the 
winter,  and  they  besought  the  Governor  to  spend  it 
there.  Seeing  their  desire,  and  that  it  was  also  the 
wish  of  the  townspeople,  he  staid  through  the  season. 
He  gave  the  ships  and  people  into  my  charge,  that  I 
might  go  with  them  to  pass  the  winter  at  the  port  of 
Xagua,  twelve  leagues  thence,  where  I  remained  until 
the  twentieth  day  of  February,  f 

*  November  5,  1527  f  February  20,  1528 

1  Rio  de  las  Palmas  on  the  western  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  on 
modern  charts  in  latitude  23°  48'  north.  Oviedo  says,  on  the  au 
thority  of  CHAVES,  that  near  Rio  de  las  Palmas  crosses  Tropic  of 

3 


1 8        RELATION  OF  ALYAR  NUNEZ  CABEC.A  DE  VAC  'A . 

Cancer,  thence  to  Rio  Panuco  are  more  than  thirty  leagues,  and  thence 
to  Veracruz,  seventy  leagues. 

2  "  ....  and  for  Aldermen  of  the  first  town  that  they  should  erect, 
went  Miguel  de  Lumbreras,  Qeroninio  Lopez,  Andres  Dorantes,  Diego 
de  Cueto  ;  and  for  those  of  the  second,  Juan  de  Mayorga,  Bartholome 
Hernandez  Franco,  Juan  de  Guijon,  Alonzode  Herrera." — HERRERA. 

In  the  Archivo  d,e  Indias,  is  the  original  commission  issued  by  the 
King  and  Dona  Joana,  his  mother,  to  Juan  Velazquez  de  Salazar,  of 
the  royal  household,  to  be  Mayor  of  the  first  and  principal  town  of 
Christians  in  Florida. 

51  Vasco  Porcallo  de  Figueroa  went  afterwards  with  Soto  from  Cuba  to 
Florida  as  his  Lieutenant-general ;  but,  having  some  misunderstand 
ing  with  him,  returned  to  the  Island  soon  after  the  first  skirmish  with 
the  natives. —  OVIEDO.  GARCILASSO. 

4  Seventeen  and  a  half  leagues,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Span 
ish  and  Portuguese  navigators  of  the  time,  measured  .one  degree, 
which  gives  three  and  a  half  geographical  miles  to  the  league.  A 
mile  will  be  found  about  the  distance  accounted  "  league  "  in  the 
narrative.  A  personal  experience  has  shown  the  day's  journey ,  Jornada, 
to  be  about  twenty-two  miles. 

6  From  Xagua,  the  15th  day  of  Feb.,  1528,  he  wrote  an  account  to  the 
Emperor  of  all  that  had  befallen  the  armament  to  that  time. — OVIEDO. 

Official  accounts  are  extant  of  a  very  destructive  hurricane  that 
visited  the  Antillas  in  the  same  month  of  October,  the  year  before, 
which  should  have  a  record.  The  excerpta  are  in  the  handwriting  of 
Munoz  in  the  LXXVIIIth  volume  of  his  Collection  in  the  Academy 
of  History  at  Madrid.  The  Audiencia  wrote  from  Espanola  20th  of 
May,  1526 :  "  The  population  is  in  very  necessitous  condition.  The 
pestilence  of  small  pox  has  finished  the  Indians.  The  war  with 
France,  and  his  Majesty  having  taken  as  borrowed  the  gold  sent  to  Spain 
for  supplies,  have  carried  up  the  prices  of  Spanish  goods.  The  in 
habitants  notwithstanding  have  exerted  themselves  to  build  sugar- 
mills  and  other  structures  for  permanency ;  for  the  storm  or  uracan 
in  last  October  threw  down  many  of  the  sugar-works  and  destroyed 
most  of  the  plantations,  although  so  much  has  been  set  up  since  that 
the  labor  is  expected  to  be  over  with  in  a  short  time." 
To  the  Emperor  from  Portorico,  27th  March,  1526 : 

(San  Juan.)  "  On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  October  last  there  came  on 
such  a  storm  of  wind  and  water,  called  here  uracan,  that  in  twenty-four 
hours  it  demolished  the  greater  part  of  this  city  including  the  church, 
doing  so  great  damage  to  the  plantations  in  the  country,  because  of  the 
freshes  in  the  river,  that  the  like  is  not  remembered  on  this  Island." 
Many  rich  have  been  made  poor. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  COMING  OF  THE  GOYERNOR  TO  THE  PORT  OF'XAGUA 
AND  WITH  A  PILOT. 

At  this  time,  the  Governor  arrived  with  a  brigantine 
bought  in  Trinidad,  and  brought  with  him  a  pilot 
named  Miruelo,  who  was  employed  because  he  said  he 
knew  the  position  of  the  river  Palmas,  and  had  been 
there,  and  was  a  thorough  pilot  for  all  the  coast  of  the 
North.1  The  Governor  had  also  purchased  and  left 
on  the  shore  of  Havana  another  vessel,  of  which  Al- 
varo  de  la  Cerda  remained  in  charge,  with  forty  in 
fantry  and  twelve  cavalry. 

The  second  day  after  arrival  the  Governor  set  sail 
with  four  hundred  men  and  eighty  horses,  in  four 
ships  and  a  brigantine.*  The  Pilot  being  again  on 
board,  put  the  vessels  among  the  shoals  they  call  Can- 
arreo,  and  on  the  day  following  we  struck:  thus  we 
were  situated  fifteen  days,  the  keels  of  our  vessels 
frequently  touching  bottom.  At  the  end  of  this  time,f 
a  tempest  from  the  south  threw  so  much  water  upon 
the  shoals  that  we  could  get  off,  although  not  without 
danger.  "We  left  this  place  and  arrived  at  Guanigua- 
nico,  where  another  storm  overtook  us,  in  which  we 

*  Feb.  20.  f  March  4  1528 


20       RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

were  at  one  time  near  being  lost.  At  cape'Corrientes 
we  had  still  another,  which  detained  us  three  days. 
These  places  being  passed,  we  doubled  Cape  Sant 
Anton,  and  sailed  with  head  winds  until  we  were 
within  twelve  leagues  of  Havana.  Standing  in  the 
next  day  to  enter  the  harbor,  a  wind  came  from  the 
south  which  drove  us  from  the  land  towards  the  coast 
of  Florida.  We  came  in  sight  on  Tuesday,  the  twelfth 
day  of  April,*  and  sailed  along  the  coast.  On  Holy 
Thursday  f  we  anchored  near  the  shore  in  the  mouth  of 
a  bay  at  the  head  of  which  we  saw  some  houses  or 
habitations  of  Indians. 

*  April  12.  f  April  14.  1528 

1  This  was  Diego,  the  younger  Miruelo,  nephew,  according  to  BARCIA, 
of  the  one  of  the  name  who  died  in  the  armament  of  Ayllon.  The  elder 
had  sailed  with  Pineda  for  Garay  in  a  voyage  from  Espanola  to  the 
northern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ;  so  that,  upon  a  comparison  of 
authorities,  in  the  year  1519,  he  had  seen  all  the  shore  from  the  cape 
of  Florida  to  the  river  Panuco,  in  going  and  again  in  returning. — 
NAVARRETE  Viages  Menores.  Ensayo  Cro. 


CHAPTER   III. 

OUR   ARRIVAL    IN   FLORIDA. 

On  the  same  day  the  Comptroller,  Alonzo  Enrriquez, 
landed  on  an  island  in  the  bay.  He  called  to  the  In 
dians,  who  came  and  remained  with  him  some  time ;  and 
in  barter  gave  him  fish  and  several  pieces  of  veni 
son.  The  day  following,  which  was  Good  Friday,*  the 
governor  debarked  with  as  many  of  the  people  as  the 
boats  he  brought  could  contain.  When  we  came  to 
the  buhios,1  or  houses  that  we  had  seen,  we  found 
them  vacant  and  abandoned,  the  inhabitants  having 
fled  at  night  in  their  canoes;  One  of  the  buhios  was 
very  large;  it  could  hold  more  than  three  hundred 
persons.  The  others  were  smaller.  We  found  a 
tinklet  of  gold  among  some  fish  nets. 

The  next  day  the  Governor  raised  ensigns  for  your 
Majesty,!  an(i  to°k  possession  of  the  country  in  your 
royal  name.  He  made  known  his  authority,  and  was 
obeyed  as  governor,  as  your  Majesty  had  commanded. 
At  the  same  time  we  laid  our  commissions  before  him, 
and  he  acknowledged  them  according  to  their  tenor. 
Then  he  ordered  that  the  rest  of  the  people  and  the 
horses  should  land.  Of  the  beasts  there  were  only 

*  April  15  t  April  16  1528 


22        RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

forty-two;  by  reason  of  the  great  stortns  and  the 
length  of  time  passed  at  sea,  the  rest  were  dead. 
These  few  remaining,  were  so  lean  and  fatigued,  that 
for  the  time,  we  could  have  little  service  from  them. 
The  following  day  *  the  Indians  of  the  town  came  and 
spoke  to  us;  but  as  we  had  no  interpreter  we  could 
not  understand  what  they  meant.  They  made,  many 
signs  and  menaces,  and  appeared  to  say  we  must  go 
away  from  the  country.  "With  this  they  left  us  and 
went  off,  offering  no  interruption. 

*  April  17  1528 

1  OVIEDO  speaks  of  the  buhio  as  distinguished  from  other  forms  of 
Indian  habitations,  in  being  "  fechas  a  dos  aguas,"  made  with  two 
sheds.  The  Yucayo  word  was  early  taken  up  by  the  Spaniards  into 
their  speech,  and  carried  from  the  Antillas  to  the  main,  where  it  is  in 
use.  The  subject  of  Indian  dwellings  is  treated  of  both  for  the  islands 
and  tierra-firme,  in  a  full  chapter  with  plates  for  illustration,  in  the 
Uistoria  General  y  Natural  de  las  Indias  1»  P,  Lo  VI,  Cap.  1. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

OUR  ENTRANCE  INTO  THE  COUNTRY. 

The  day  following,*  the  Governor  resolved  to  make  an 
incursion  to  explore  the  land,  and  see  what  it  might 
contain.  With  him  went  the  Commissary,  the  Assessor, 
and  myself  with  forty  men,  among  them  six  cavalry, 
of  which  we  could  make  little  use.  We  took  our  way 
towards  the  north,f  until  the  hour  of  vespers,  when  we 
arrived  at  a  very  large  bay  that  appeared  to  stretch  far 
inland.  We  remained  there  that  night,  and  the  next 
day  we  returned  to  the  place  where  were  our  ships 
and  people.J  The  Governor  ordered  that  the  brigan- 
tine  should  sail  along  the  coast  of  Florida  and  search 
for  the  harbor  that  Miruelo,  the  pilot,  said  he  knew, 
(though  as  yet  he  had  failed  to  find  it,  and  could  not 
tell  in  what  place  we  were,  or  where  was  the  port), 
and  that  if  it  were  not  found,  she  should  steer  for  Ha 
vana  and  seek  the  ship  of  which  Alvaro  de  la  Cerda 
was  in  command,  §  and,  taking  provisions,  together, 
they  should  come  to  look  for  us. 

*  April  18  t  APril  19  1528 

f  Northeast.    Letter  written  by  Alvar  Nunez  and  Andres  Dorantes, 

in  OVIEDO. 
£  In  which  were  coming  forty  men  and  twelve  horses. — Letter. 


24  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

After  the  brigantine  left,  the  same  party,  with  some 
persons  more,  returned  to  enter  the  land.  We  kept 
along  the  shores  of  the  bay  we  had  found,  and,  having 
gone  four  leagues,*  we  captured  four  Indians.  "We 
showed  them  maize,  to  see  if  they  had  knowledge 
of  it,  for  up  to  that  time  we  had  seen  no  indication  of 
any.  They  said  they  could  take  us  where  there  was 
some;  so  they  brought  us  to  their  town  near  by,  at 
the  head  of  the  bay,  and  showed  us  a  little  corn  not 
yet  fit  for  gathering. 

There  we  saw  many  cases,  such  as  are  used  to  con 
tain  the  merchandise  of  Castilla,  in  each  of  them  a 
dead  man,  and  the  bodies  were  covered  with  painted 
deer  skins.  This  appeared  to  the  Commissary  to  be  a 
kind  of  idolatry,  and  he  burned  the  cases  with  the 
bodies.  "We  also  found  pieces  of  linen  and  of  woolen 
cloth,  and  bunches  of  feathers  which  appeared  like 
those  of  ISTew  Spain.1  There  were  likewise  traces  of 
gold.  Having  by  signs  asked  the  Indians  whence 
these  things  came,  they  motioned  to  us  that  very  far 
from  there,  was  a  province  called  Apalachen,  where 
was  much  gold,  and  so  the  same  abundance  in  Pala- 
chen2  of  every  thing  that  we  at  all  cared  for. 

Taking  these  Indians  for  guides,  we  departed,  and 
traveling  ten  or  twelve  leagues  we  came  to  a  town  of 
fifteen  houses.  Here  a  large  piece  of  ground  was  >  cul 
tivated  in  maize  then  ripe,  and  we  likewise  found 
some  already  dry.  After  staying  there  two  days,  we 
returned  to  where  the  Comptroller  tarried  with  the 

*  From  whence  we  started. — Letter. 


CABECA  DE   VAC A.  25 

men  and  ships,  and  related  to  him  and  the  pilots  what 
we  had  seen,  and  the  information  the  natives  had 
given. 

The  next  day,  the  first  of  May,*  the  Governor  called 
aside  the  Commissary,  the  Comptroller,  the  Assessor, 
myself,  a  sailor  named  Bartolome  Fernandez,  and  a 
Notary,  Hieronymo  Alaniz.  Being  together  he  said  that 
he  desired  to  penetrate  the  interior,  and  that  the  ships 
ought  to  go  along  the  coast  until  they  should  come 
to  the  port  which  the  pilots  helieved  was  very  near  on 
the  way  to  the  river  Palmas.  He  asked  us  for  our  views. 

I  said  it  appeared  to  me  that  under  no  circumstances 
ought  we  to  leave  the  vessels  until  they  were  in  a 
secure  and  peopled  harbor;  that  he  should  observe 
the  pilots  were  not  confident,  and  did  not  agree  in  any 
particular,  neither  did  they  know  where  we  were; 
that,  more  than  this,  the  horses  were  in  no  condition 
to  serve  us  in  such  exigencies  as  might  occur.  Above 
all,  that  we  were  going  without  being  able  to  commu 
nicate  with  the  Indians  by  use  of  speech,  and  without 
an  interpreter,  and  we  could  but  poorly  understand  our 
selves  with  them,  or  learn  what  we  desired  to  know  of 
the  land ;  that  we  were  about  entering  a  country  of 
which  we  had  no  account,  and  had  no  knowledge  of 
its  character,  of  what  there  was  in  it,  or  by  what 
people  inhabited,  neither  did  we  know  in  what  part  of 
it  we  were;  and  beside  all  this,  we  had  not  food  to 
sustain  us  in  wandering  we  knew  not  whither;  that 
with  regard  to  the  stores  in  the  ships,  rations  could 

*  May  1. 


26  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

not  be  given  to  each  man  for  such  a  journey,  more 
than  a  pound  of  biscuit  and  another  of  bacon  :  that  my 
opinion  was,  we  should  embark  and  seek  a  harbor  and 
a  soil  better  than  this  to  occupy,  since  what  we  had 
seen  of  it  was  desert  and  poor,  such  as  had  never  be 
fore  been  discovered  in  those  parts. 

To  the  Commissary  every  thing  appeared  otherwise. 
He  thought  we  ought  not  to  embark;  but,  that  al ways 
keeping  the  coast,  we  should  go  in  search  of  the  har 
bor,  which  the  pilots  stated  was  only  ten  or  fifteen 
leagues  from  there,  on  the  way  to  Pdnuco ;  and  that 
it  was  not  possible,  marching  ever  by  the  shore,  we 
should  fail  to  come  upon  it,  because  they  said  it 
stretched  up  into  the  land  a  dozen  leagues;  that 
whichever  might  first  find  it  should  wait  for  the  other ; 
that  to  embark  would  be  to  brave  the  Almighty  after 
so  many  adversities  encountered  since  leaving  Spain, 
so  many  storms,  and  so  great  losses  of  men  and  ships 
sustained  before  reaching  there-;  that  for  these  reasons 
we  should  march  along  the  coast  until  we  reached  the 
harbor,  and  those  in  the  ships  should  take  a  like  direc 
tion  until  they  arrived  at  the  same  place. 

This  plan  seemed  the  best  to  adopt,  to  the  rest  who 
were  present,  except  the  Notary,  who  said  that  when 
the  ships  should  be  abandoned  they  ought  to  be  in  a 
known,  safe  haven,  a  place  with  inhabitants ;  that  this 
done  the  Governor  might  advance  inland  and  do  what 
might  seem  to  him  proper. 

The  Governor  followed  his  own  judgment  and  the 
council  of  others.  Seeing  his  determination,  I  re- 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  27 

quired  him  in  behalf  of  your  Majesty,  not  to  quit  the 
ships  before  putting  them  in  port  and  making  them 
secure ;  and  accordingly  I  asked  a  certificate  of  this 
under  the  hand  of  the  Notary.  The  Governor  re 
sponded  that  he  did  but  abide  by  the  judgment  of  the 
Commissary,  and  of  the  majority  of  the  officers,  and 
that  I  had  no  right  to  make  these  requirements  of  him. 
He  then  asked  the  Notary  to  give  him  a  certificate,  that 
inasmuch  as  there  was  no  subsistence  in  that  country 
for  the  maintenance  of  a  colony,  nor  haven  for  the 
ships,  he  brake  up  the  settlement  he  had  placed  there, 
taking  its  inhabitants  in  quest  of  a  port  and  land  that 
should  be  better.  He  then  ordered  the  people  who 
were  to  go  with  him  to  be  mustered,  that  they  might 
be  victualed  with  what  was  needed  for  the  journey. 
After  they  had  been  provided  for,  he  said  to  me,  in  the 
hearing  of  those  present,  that  since  I  so  much  dis 
couraged  and  feared  entering  the  land,  I  should  sail 
in  charge  of  the  ships  and  people  in  them,  and  form 
a  settlement,  should  I  arrive  at  the  port  before  him ; 
but  from  this  proposal  I  excused  myself. 

After  we  had  separated,  the  same  evening,  having 
said  that  it  did  not  appear  to  him  that  he  could  entrust 
the  command  to  any  one  else,  he  sent  to  me  to  say 
that  he  begged  I  would  take  it ;  but  finding,  notwith 
standing  he  so  greatly  importuned  me,  that  I  still  re 
fused,  he  asked  me  the  cause  of  my  reluctance.  I 
answered  that  I  rejected  the  responsibility,  as  I  felt 
certain  and  knew  that  he  was  never  more  to  find  the 
ships,  nor  the  ships  him,  which  might  be  foreseen  in 


28       RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUflEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

the  slender  outfit  we  had  for  entering  the  country; 
that  I  desired  rather  to  expose  myself  to  the  danger 
which  he  and  the  others  adventured,  and  to  pass  with 
them  what  he  and  they  might  go  through,  than  to  take 
charge  of  the  ships  and  give  occasion  for  it  to  be  said 
I  had  opposed  the  invasion  and  remained  behind  from 
timidity,  and  thus  my  courage  be  called  in  question.  I 
chose  rather  to  risk  my  life  than  put  my  honor  in  such 
position.  Seeing  that  what  he  said  to  me  availed 
nothing,  he  begged  many  persons  to  reason  with  me 
on  the  subject  and  entreat  me.  I  answered  them  in 
the  same  way  I  had  him ;  so  he  appointed  for  his  lieu 
tenant  of  the  ships  an  Alcalde  he  had  brought  with 
him,  whose  name  was  Caravallo. 

1  To  the  Commissary  and  the  friars  it  appeared  to  be  idolatry,  and 
the  Governor  ordered  the  bodies  to  be  burned.  Pieces  of  shoes,  canvas, 
broadcloth  and  iron  were  likewise  found.  The  Indians  on  being 
questioned,  answered  by  signs  that  they  had  brought  those  things 
from  a  vessel  which  had  been  lost  on  the  shore  of  that  bay. — Letter. 

*  Thus  is  the  name  differently  spelled.  In  the  second  edition  the  n 
is  omitted  in  every  instance. 


CHAPTER   Y. 

THE  GOVERNOR  LEAVES  THE  SHIPS. 

On  Sunday,  first  of  May,*  the  date  of  this  occurrence, 
the  Governor  ordered  to  each  man  going  with  him, 
two  pounds  of  biscuit  and  half  a  pound  of  bacon ;  and, 
thus  victualed  we  took  up  our  march  into  the  country. 
The  whole  number  of  men  was  three  hundred :  among 
them  went  the  Commissary,  Friar  Juan  Xuarez,  and  an 
other  friar,  Juan  de  Palos,  three  clergymen  and  the  offi 
cers.  We  of  the  mounted  men  consisted  of  forty.  We 
traveled  on  the  allowance  f  we  had  received  fifteen  days,1 
without  finding  any  other  thing  to  eat  than  palmitos,2 
which  are  like  those  of  Andalusia.  In  all  that  time 
we  saw  not  an  Indian,  and  found  neither  village  nor 
house.  Finally  we  came  to  a  river,  which  we  passed 
with  great  difficulty,  by  swimming  and  on  rafts.  It 
detained  us  a  day  to  cross  because  of  the  very  strong 
current.3  Arrived  on  the  other  side,J  there  appeared 
as  many  as  two  hundred  natives,  more  or  less.  The 
Governor  met  them,  and  conversing  by  signs,  they  so 
insulted  us  with  their  gestures,  that  we  were  forced  to 
break  with  them.  We  seized  upon  five  or  six,  and 
they  took  us  to  their  houses  half  a  league  off.4  Kear 

::  May  1.  f  May  15.  \  May  16.  1528 


30  RELATION  OF  ALVAK  NUNEZ 

by  we  found  a  large  quantity  of  maize  in  a  fit  state  to 
be  gathered.  We  gave  infinite  thanks  to  our  Lord  for 
having  succored  us  in  this  great  extremity,  for  we 
were  yet  young  in  trials,  and  besides  the  weariness  in 
which  we  came,  we  were  exhausted  from  hunger. 

On  the  third  day  after  our  arrival,*  the  Comptroller, 
the  Assessor,  the  Commissary  and  I  met,  and  together 
besought  the  Governor  to  send  to  look  for  the  sea,  that 
if  possible  we  might  find  a  port,  as  the  Indians  stated 
there  was  one  not  a  very  great  way  off.  He  said  that 
we  should  cease  to  speak  of  the  sea,  for  it  was  remote  ; 
but  as  I  chiefly  importuned  him,  he  told  me  to  go  and 
look  for  it,  and  seek  for  a  harbor,  to  take  forty  men  and 
to  travel  on  foot.5  So  the  next  day  f  I  left  with  Cap 
tain  Alonzo  del  Castello  and  forty  men  of  his  com 
pany.  We  marched  until  noon,  when  we  arrived  at 
some  sea  sands  that  appeared  to  lie  a  good  ways  in 
land.  Along  this  sand  we  walked  for  a  league  and  a 
half,6  with  the  water  half  way  up  the  leg,  treading  on 
oysters,  which  cut  our  feet  badly  and  made  us  much 
trouble,  until  we  reached  the  river  we  had  before 
crossed,  emptying  into  this  bay.  As.  we  could  not 
cross  it  by  reason  of  our  slim  outfit  for  such  purpose, 
we  returned  to  camp  and  reported  what  we  had  dis 
covered.  To  find  out  if  there  was  a  port  and  examine 
the  outlet  well,  it  was  necessary  to  repass  the  river  at 
the  place  where  we  had  first  gone  over;  so  the  next 
day  the  Governor  ordered  a  captain,;};  Valen<juela  by 

*  May  17.  f  May  18.  J  May  19.  1528 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  3]; 

name,  with  sixty  men  and  six  cavalry,7  to  cross,  and 
following  the  river  down  to  the  sea,  ascertain  if  there 
was  a  harbor.  He  returned  after  an  absence  of  two 
days,*  and  said  he  had  explored  the  bay,  that  it  was 
not  deeper  any  where  than  to  the  knee,  and  that  he 
found  no  harbor.  He  had  seen  five  or  six  canoes  of 
Indians  passing  from  one  shore  to  the  other,  wearing 
many  plumes. 

With  this  information,  we  left  the  next  day,f  going 
ever  in  quest  of  Apalache,  the  country  of  which  the 
Indians  told  us,  having  for  our  guides  those  we  had 
taken.  We  traveled  without  seeing  any  natives  who 
would  venture  to  await  our  coming  up  with  them  until 
the  seventeenth  day  of  June,  J  when  a  chief  approached, 
borne  on  the  back  of  another  Indian,  and  covered  with 
a  painted  deer-skin.  A  great  many  people  attended 
him,  some  walking  in  advance,  playing  on  flutes  of 
reed.  In  this  manner  he  came  to  where  the  Governor 
stood,  and  spent  an  hour  with  him.  By  signs  we  gave 
him  to  understand  that  we  were  going  to  Apalachen, 
and  it  appeared  to  us  by  those  he  made  that  he 
was  an  enemy  to  the  people  of  Apalachen,  and  would 
go  to  assist  us  against  them.  We  gave  him  beads  and 
hawk-bells,  with  other  articles  of  barter ;  and  he  hav 
ing  presented  the  Governor  with  the  skin  he  wore, 
went  back,  when  we  followed  in  the  road  he  took. 

That  night  we  came  to  a  wide  and  deep  river  with  a 
very  rapid  current.8  As  we  would  not  venture  to 

*  May  20.  t  May  21.  J  June  17.  1528 


32  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

cross  on  rafts,  we  made  a  canoe  for  the  purpose,  and 
spent  a  day  in  getting  over.*  Had  the  Indians  desired 
to  oppose  us,  they  could  well  have  disputed  our  pas 
sage  ;  for  even  with  their  help  we  had  great  difficulty 
in  making  it.  One  of  the  mounted  men,  Juan  Velaz 
quez  by  name,  a  native  of  Cuellar,  impatient  of  deten 
tion,  entered  the  river,  when  the  violence  of  the  current 
casting  him  from  his  horse,  he  grasped  the  reins  of  the 
bridle,  and  both  were  drowned.  The  people  of  that 
chief,  whose  name  was  Dulchanchellin,  found  the  body 
of  the  beast ;  and  having  told  us  about  where  in  the 
stream  below,  we  should  find  the  corpse,  it  was  sought 
for.  This  death  caused  us  much  regret,  for  until  now 
not  a  man  had  been  lost.  The  horse  afforded  supper 
to  many  that  night. 

Leaving  that  spot,  the  next  day  we  arrived  at  the 
town  of  the  chief,  f  where  he  sent  us  maize.  During 
the  night  one  of  our  men  was  shot  at  in  a  place  wrhere 
we  got  water,  but  it  pleased  God  that  he  should  not 
be  hit.  The  next  day  we  departed,!  not  one  of  the 
natives  making  his  appearance,  as  all  had  fled.  While 
going  on  our  way  a  number  came  in  sight,  prepared 
for  battle ;  and  though  we  called  to  them,  they  would 
not  return  nor  await  our  arrival ;  but  retired  following 
us  on  the  road.  The  Governor  left  some  cavalry  in 
ambush,  which  sallying  as  the  natives  were  about  to 
pass,  seized  three  or  four,  who  thenceforth  served  as 
guides.  They  conducted  us  through  a  country  very 

*  June  18.  f  June  19.  f  June  20.  1528 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  33 

difficult  to  travel  and  wonderful  to  look  upon.  In  it 
are  vast  forests,  the  trees  being  astonishingly  high.  So 
many  were  fallen  on  the  ground  as  to  obstruct  our 
way  in  such  a  manner  that  we  could  not  advance 
without  much  going  about  and  a  considerable  increase 
of  toil.  Many  of  the  standing  trees  were  riven  from 
top  to  bottom  by  bolts  of  lightning  which  fall  in  that 
country  of  frequent  storms  and  tempests. 

We  labored  on  through  these  impediments  until  the 
day  after  Saint  John's,*  when  we  came  in  view  of 
Apalachen,  without  the  inhabitants  being  aware  of  our 
approach.  We  gave  many  thanks  to  God,  at  seeing 
ourselves  so  near,  believing  true  what  had  been  told 
us  of  the  land,  and  that  there  would  be  an  end  to  our 
great  hardships,  caused  as  much  by  the  length  and 
badness  of  the  way  as  by  our  excessive  hunger ;  for 
although  we  sometimes  found  maize,  we  oftener 
traveled  seven  and  eight  leagues  without  seeing  any ; 
and  besides  this  and  the  great  fatigue,  many  had  galled 
shoulders  from  carrying  armor  on  the  back ;  and  even 
more  than  these  we  endured.  Yet,  having  come  to 
the  place  desired,  and  where  we  had  been  informed 
were  much  food  and  gold,  it  appeared  to  us  that  we 
had  already  recovered  in  part  from  our  sufferings  and 
fatigue. 

*J  une  25  1528 

1  A  daily  ration  of  one  pound  of  bread  and  half  a  pound  of  salted 
pork  for  fifteen  days. — Letter. 

2  This  is  the  dwarf  fan-palm,  not  the  cabbage-palm,  to  which  we 
often   inadvertently    apply    the    diminutive    termination    ito,    mis 
spelled  etto. 

5 


34        RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABECA  DE  VACA. 

1  This  river  should  be  the  Withlacooche  (Oiud-SlnTilce-uclif,  water 
long-narrow),  of  the  Seminole,  called  Gale  by  OVIEDO,  in  the  account 
given  of  the  march  of  Soto  on  the  authority  of  RANJEL. 

4  This  appears  to  be  the  first  dissension  that  took  place  between 
the  invaders  and  natives.  When  Soto  came  with  his  army  to 
a  town  of  Tampa  bay,  the  Cacique  there  refused  to  entrust  him 
with  his  person,  giving  as  a  reason  that  Narvaez  had  caused  his  nose 
to  be  cut  off,  and  his  mother  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by  dogs.  Such  is 
the  recital  in  GARCELASSO  where  the  FIDAL.GO  of  ELVAS  is  silent,  No 
thing  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  RANJEL'S  account,  out  of  which  Oviedo 
wrote,  nor  in  the  report  of  BIEDMA,  nor  in  the  letter  of  SOTO  to  the  muni 
cipality  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  giving  a  circumstantial  relation  of  what 
had  occurred  since  leaving  Havana  to  the  9th  of  July,  within  a  short 
time  of  his  march  to  the  interior ;  neither  does  any  thing  appear  in 
the  text  of  HERKERA,  drawn  from  other  authorities.  If  an  act  so 
cruel  had  been  perpetrated,  it  was  little  likely  to  fade  from  the  re 
tentive  memory  of  the  High-sheriff,  and  quite  as  improbable  that  he 
would  fail  in  his  narrative  to  make  it  known.  The  character 
of  Narvaez  does  not  appear  open  to  the  charge  of  cruelty,  even  from 
one  who  knew  him  well ;  the  misfortunes  he  brought  upon  others 
with  himself,  arose  out  of  an  easy  nature,  that  was  justly  his  reproach. 

6  Because  horses  could  not  be  taken. — Letter. 
8  A  matter  of  two  leagues. — Letter. 

7  Six  cavalry  and  forty  infantry. — Letter. 

*  In  the  same  way,  eleven  years  later,  the  people  under  Soto,  ap 
proaching  this  river,  which  can  be  no  other  than  the  Sawane,  were 
met  by  the  Indians  "playing  upon  flutes,  a  sign  among  them  to 
others  that  they  come  in  peace." — Bela^am.  The  name  of  the  chief, 
found  in  this  territory  now  just  passed  over,  is  spelled  by  the  FIDALOO 
of  ELVAS  Uzachil,  in  OVIEDO  (Tfachile,  in  GARCILASSO  Ochilc,  by 
BIEDMA  Veachtte,  in  HERRERA  OsacJiUe.  The  words  may  be  one 
with  that  in  the  text ;  the  name  of  the  region,  probably,  as  well  as 
of  the  chief. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OUR  ARRIVAL   AT  APALACHE. 

"WTien  we  came  in  view  of  Apalachen,  the  Governor 
ordered  that  I  should  take  nine  cavalry  with  fifty  in 
fantry  and  enter  the  town.*  Accordingly  the  Assessor 
and  I  assailed  it;  and  having  got  in,  we  found  only 
women  and  boys  there,  the  men  being  absent ;  however 
these  returned  to  its  support,  after  a  little  time,  while  we 
were  walking  about,  and  began  discharging  arrows  at 
us.  They  killed  the  horse  of  the  Assessor,  and  at  last 
taking  to  flight,  they  left  us. 

We  found  a  large  quantity  of  maize  fit  for  plucking, 
and  much  dry  that  was  housed ;  also  many  deer-skins, 
and  among  them  some  mantelets  of  thread,  small  and 
poor,  with  which  the  women  partially  cover  their  per 
sons.  There  were  numerous  mortars  for  cracking 
maize.  The  town  consisted  of  forty  small  houses, 
made  low,  and  set  up  in  sheltered  places  because  of 
the  frequent  storms.  The  material  was  thatch.  They 
were  surrounded  by  very  dense  woods,  large  groves 
and  many  bodies  of  fresh  water,  in  which  so  many  and 
so  large  trees  are  fallen,  that  they  form  obstructions 
rendering  travel  difficult  and  dangerous. 

*  June  25  1528 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  CHARACTER  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

The  country  where  we  came  on  shore  to  this  town 
and  region  of  Apalachen,  is  for  the  most  part  level, 
the  ground  of  sand  and  stiff  earth.  Throughout  are 
immense  trees  and  open  woods,  in  which  are  walnut, 
laurel  and  another  tree  called  liquid-amber,1  cedars, 
savins,  evergreen  oaks,  pines,  red-oaks  and  palmitos 
like  those  of  Spain.  There  are  many  lakes,  great  and 
small,  over  every  part  of  it;  some  troublesome  of 
fording,  on  account  of  depth  and  the  great  number  of 
trees  lying  throughout  them.  Their  beds  are  sand. 
The  lakes  in  the  country  of  Apalachen  are  much  larger 
than  those  we  found  before  coming  there. 

In  this  Province  are  many  maize  fields ;  and  the 
houses  are  scattered  as  are  those  of  the  Gelves.  There 
are  deer  of  three  kinds,2  rabbits,  hares,  bears,  lions 
and  other  wild  beasts.  Among  them  we  saw  an 
animal  with  a  pocket  on  its  belly,  in  which  it  carries 
its  young  until  they  know  how  to  seek  food;  and 
if  it  happen  that  they  should  be  out  feeding  and 
any  one  come  near,  the  mother  will  not  run  until  she 
has  gathered  them  in  together.  The  country  is  very 
cold.  It  has  fine  pastures  for  herds.  Birds  are  of  vari 
ous  kinds.  Geese  in  great  numbers.  Ducks,  mallards, 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VAC  A.     37 

royal-ducks,  fly-catchers,  night-herons  and  partridges 
abound.  We  saw  many  falcons,  gerfalcons,  sparrow- 
hawks,  merlins,  and  numerous  other  fowl. 

Two  hours*  after  our  arrival  at  Apalachen,4  the 
Indians  who  had  fled  from  there  came  in  peace  to  us, 
asking  for  their  women  and  children,  whom  we  re 
leased  ;  but  the  detention  of  a  cacique  by  the  Governor 
produced  great  excitement,  in  consequence  of  which 
they  returned  for  battle  early  the  next  day,*  and  at 
tacked  us  with  such  promptness  and  alacrity  that  they 
succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  houses  in  which  we 
were.  As  we  sallied  they  fled  to  the  lakes  near  by, 
because  of  which  and  the  large  maize  fields,  we  could 
do  them  no  injury,  save  in  the  single  instance  of  one 
Indian,  whom  we  killed.  The  day  folio  wing,  f  others 
came  against  us  from  a  town  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  lake,5  and  attacked  us  as  the  first  had  done,  escap 
ing  in  the  same  way,  except  one  who  was  also  slain. 

We  were  in  the  town  twenty-five  days,J  in  which 
time  we  made  three  incursions,  $nd  found  the  country 
very  thinly  peopled  and  difficult  to  travel  for  the  bad 
passages,  the  woods  and  lakes.  We  inquired  of  the 
cacique  we  kept  and  the  natives  we  brought  with  us, 
who  were  the  neighbors  and  enemies  of  these  Indians, 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  country,  the  character  and  con 
dition  of  the  inhabitants,  of  the  food  and  all  other 
matters  concerning  it.  Each  answered  apart  from  the 
rest,  that  the  largest  town  in  all  that  region  was  Apa- 

*  June  26  fjune27  J  July  19  1528 


38  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

lachen;  the  people  beyond  were  less  numerous  and 
poorer,  the  land  little  occupied,  and  the  inhabitants 
much  scattered ;  that  thenceforward  were  great  lakes, 
dense  forests,  immense  deserts  and  solitudes.  We 
then  asked  touching  the  region  towards  the  south,  as 
to  the  towns  and  subsistence  in  it.  They  said  that  in 
keeping  such  a  direction,  journeying  nine  days,  there 
was  a  town  called  Aute,6  the  inhabitants  whereof  had 
much  maize,  beans  and  pumpkins,  and  being  near  the 
sea,  they  had  fish,  and  that  those  people  were  their 
friends. 

In  view  of  the  poverty  of  the  land,  the  unfavorable 
accounts  of  the  population  and  of  everything  else  we 
heard,  the  Indians  making  continual  war  upon  us, 
wounding  our  people  and  horses  at  the  places  where 
they  went  to  drink,  shooting  from  the  lakes  with  such 
safety  to  themselves  that  we  could  not  retaliate,  killing 
a  lord  of  Tescuco,7  named  Don  Pedro,  whom  the  Com 
missary  brought  with  him,  we  determined  to  leave  that 
place  and  go  in  quest^of  the  sea,  and  the  town  of  Aute 
of  which  we  were  told. 

At  the  termination  of  the  twenty-five  days  after  our 
arrival  we  departed,*  and  on  the  first  day  got  through 
those  lakes  and  passages  without  seeing  any  one,  and 
on  the  second  day  we  came  to  a  lake  difficult  of  cross 
ing,  the  water  reaching  to  the  paps,  and  in  it  were 
numerous  logs.  On  reaching  the  middle  of  it  we  were 
attacked  by  many  Indians  from  behind  trees,  who 

*  July  19,  20  1528 


CABE^A  DE  VACA.  39 

thus  covered  themselves  that  we  might  not  get  sight 
of  them,  and  others  were  on  the  fallen  timbers.  They 
drove  their  arrows  with  such  effect  that  they  wounded 
many  men  and  horses,  and  before  we  got  through  the 
lake  they  took  our  guide.  They  now  followed,  en 
deavoring  to  contest  the  passage ;  but  our  coming  out 
afforded  no  relief,  nor  gave  us  any  better  position ;  for 
when  we  wished  to  fight  them  they  retired  immedi 
ately  into  the  lake,  whence  they  continued  to  wound 
our  men  and  beasts.  The  Governor,  seeing  this,  com 
manded  the  cavalry  to  dismount  and  charge  the  In 
dians  on  foot.  Accordingly  the  Comptroller  alighting 
with  the  rest,  attacked  them,  when  they  all  turned 
and  ran  into  the  lake  at  hand,  and  thus  the  passage 
was  gained. 

Some  of  our  men  were  wounded  in  this  conflict,  for 
whom  the  good  armor  they  wore  did  not  avail.  There 
were  those  this  day  who  swore  that  they  had  seen  two 
red  oaks,  each  the  thickness  of  the  lower  part  of  the 
leg,  pierced  through  from  side  to  side  by  arrows ;  and 
this  is  not  so  much  to  be  wondered  at,  considering 
the  power  and  skill  with  which  the  Indians  are  able  to 
project  them.  I  myself  saw  an  arrow  that  had  entered 
the  butt  of  an  elm  to  the  depth  of  a  span. 

The  Indians  we  had  so  far  seen  in  Florida  are  all 
archers.  They  go  naked,  are  large  of  body,  and  ap 
pear  at  a  distance  like  giants.  They  are  of  admirable 
proportions,  very  spare  and  of  great  activity  and 
strength.  The  bows  they  use  are  as  thick  as  the 
arm,  of  eleven  or  twelve  palms  in  length,  which  they 


40  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

will  discharge  at  two  hundred  paces  with  so  great  pre 
cision  that  they  miss  nothing. 

Having  got  through  this  passage,  at  the  end  of  a 
league  we  arrived  at  another  of  the  same  character, 
but  worse,  as  it  was  longer,  being  half  a  league  in 
extent.  This  we  crossed  freely,  without  interrup 
tion  from  the  Indians,  who,  as  they  had  spent,  on  the 
former  occasion  their  store  of  arrows,  had  nought 
with  which  they  dared  venture  to  engage  us.  Going 
through  a  similar  passage  the  next  day,*  I  discovered 
the  trail  of  persons  ahead,  of  which  I  gave  notice  to 
the  Governor,  who  was  in  the  rear  guard,  so  that 
though  the  Indians  came  upon  us,  as  we  were  prepared 
they  did  no  harm.  After  emerging  .upon  the  plain 
they  followed  us,  and  we  went  back  on  them  in  two 
directions.  Two  we  killed,  and  they  wounded  me  and 
two  or  three  others.  Coining  to  woods  we  could  do 
them  no  more  injury,  nor  make  them  further  trouble. 

In  this  manner  we  traveled  eight  days.f  After  that 
occurrence  we  were  not  again  beset  until  within  a 
league  of  the  place  to  which  I  have  said  we  were 
going.  There,  while  on  our  way,  the  Indians  came 
about  us  without  our  suspicion,  and  fell  upon  the  rear 
guard.  A  hidalgo,  named  Avellaneda,  hearing  the 
cries  of  his  serving  boy,  went  back  to  give  assist 
ance,  when  he  was  struck  by  an  arrow  near  the  edge 
of  his  cuirass ;  and  so  severe  was  the  wound,  the  shaft 
having  passed  almost  entirely  through  his  neck,  that 

*  July  21  f  July  29  1528 


CABE^A  DE  VAOA.  4^ 

he  presently  died.  The  corpse  was  carried  to  Aute, 
where  we  arrived  at  the  end  of  nine  days'  travel 
from  Apalache.*  We  found  all  the  inhabitants  gone 
and  the  houses  burned.  Maize,  beans  and  pumpkins, 
were  in  great  plenty,  all  beginning  to  be  fit  for 
gathering.  Having  rested  two  days,f  the  Governor 
begged  me  to  go  and  look  for  the  sea,  as  the  Indians 
said  it  was  near;  and  we  had  before  discovered  it, 
while  on  the  way,  from  a  very  large  stream,  to  which 
we  had  given  the  name  of  river  of  the  Magdalena. 

Accordingly,  I  set  out  the  next  day  after,!  in  com 
pany  with  the  Commissary,  Captain  Castillo,  Andres 
Dorantes,  seven  more  on  horseback  and  fifty  on  foot. 
TVe  traveled  until  the  hour  of  vespers,  when  we  ar 
rived  at  a  road  or  entrance  of  the  sea.  Oysters  were 
abundant,  over  which  the  men  rejoiced,  and  we 
gave  thanks  to  God  that  he  had  brought  us  there. 
The  following  morning  I  sent  twenty  men  to  explore 
the  coast  and  ascertain  its  direction.  §  They  returned 
the  night  after,  reporting  that  those  creeks  and  bays 
were  large,  and  lay  so  far  inland  as  made  it  diffi 
cult  to  examine  them  agreeably  to  our  desires,  and 
that  the  sea  shore  was  very  distant. 

These  tidings  obtained,  seeing  our  slender  means, 
and  condition  for  exploring  the  coast,  I  went  back  to 
the  Governor.  On  our  arrival  we  found  him8  and 
many  others  sick.  The  Indians  had  assaulted  them 
the  night  before,  and  because  of  the  malady  that 

*  July  28.  f  July  30.  \  July  31.  §  August  1.          1528 

6 


42  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

had  come  upon  them,  they  had  been  pushed  to  ex 
tremity.  One  of  the  horses  had  been  killed.  I  gave 
a  report  of  what  I  had  done,  and  of  the  embarrassing 
nature  of  the  country.  We  remained  there  that  day. 

1  Sweet  gum. 

3  The  varieties  of  the  deer  must  have  included  those  found  farther 
west,  by  the  /Sierra  Madreoi  the  Cordillera  of  the  Andes,  then  within 
the  limits  of  the  extensive  region  known  as  Florida,  on  the  west  de 
nned  by  those  mountains. 

Strange  to  say  no  mention  is  made  any  where  in  the  narrative  either 
of  the  turkey  or  alligator. 
s  The  first  edition  and  the  Letter  says  two  days. 

4  The  name  of  the  territory  or  town ;  probably  in  the  language  of 
the  Timuqua  Indians.    It  is  once  spelled  Palache  in  the  second  edition, 
and  also  in  the  Relcqam  Verdadeira  of  the  march  of  Soto,  and  not 
probably  by  accident  in  either  instance.     The  a  to,  A  la,  to  the,  are 
prefixes  that  native  names  appear  to  take  upon  them  in  some  unac 
countable  way  from  the  Spanish.     Timuqua  has  oftentimes  received 
the  a,  and  so  incorrectly  have  other  names.     Perhaps  the  Anagados 
of  this  narrative  are  the  Nagadoch.    A-la-Tama,  Alatamaha,  A-la-Chua, 
Alachua  are  instances  of  the  double  prefix,  and  Alapaha,  Alafaya, 
ancient  names,  may  be  suspected  of  bearing  it. 

6  From  other  towns,  another  people. — Letter. 

8  The  name  of  this  town  is  spelled  Ochete  in  the  Rela^am  of  the 
march  of  Soto  by  the  Knight  of  Elvas. 

7  Spelled  Tezaico  in  the  first  edition.     Although  this  lord  was  by 
seniority  and  descent  on  the  father's  side  heir   to   the   throne   of 
Tetzcoco,  the  selection  was  made  by  the  nobles.     Not  being  given 
to  arms  he  was  considered  of  a  nature  too  pacific  for  the  govern 
ment  of  an  extensive  territory.     On  the  other  hand  the  election  of 
either  of  his   brothers   Cohuanatco   or  Yxtlilxochitl,  was   opposed 
for  their  want  of  years.      In  this  dissension  the  influence  of  Moc- 
tezuma  prevailed,  and  their  half  brother  Cacama  became  elected. 
He  was  the  son  of  Netzaxualpilli,  the  father  of  those  princes,  by  a 
sister  of  the  Emperor.     Cohuanatco  in  the  council  approved  of  the 
selection.      Yxtlilxochitl  protested  and  withdrew  taking  with  him 
numerous  adherents.     Beyond  the  city  he  called  together  all  those 
who  would  oppose  Moctezuma  of  whom  Cacama  had  asked  support. 
Although  permitted  to  possess  the  extensive  mountainous  portion  of 
the  domain,  Yxtlilxochitl  maintained  a  position  hostile  to  the  Em- 


CABECA  DE  VACA.  43 

peror,  threatened  the  capital,  challenged  his  forces  and  even  engaged 
them  with  success. 

At  this  juncture  the  Spaniards  having  arrived  on  the  coast,  Ixtlilxo 
chitl  informed  them  of  the  condition  of  affairs  and  offered  his  assistance. 
The  invasion  followed  ;  and  Cortes,  who  without  scruple  or  distinction 
of  race  or  rank,  seems  to  have  taken  off  most  of  those  standing  in  his 
way  or  entrusting  him  with  their  persons,  despatched  Cacama  on  the 
retreat  from  Mexico,  after  the  death  of  Moctezuma,  whose  successor 
he  had  been  declared. 

On  the  second  approach  to  the  capital  Cohuanatco,  who  reigned  in 
Tetzcoco,  at  once  gave  his  support  to  the  Emperor  Guatimo,  successor 
of  Cuitlahuac,  the  successor  of  Moctezuma,  in  a  last  struggle  for  the 
mastery.  On  the  side  of  the  Spaniards,  with  the  forces  of  the  allies, 
were  Ixtlilxochitl  as  king  of  Tetzcoco  appointed  by  Cortes,  and  the 
Prince  Tetlahuehuezquiziti  his  brother,  otherwise  Don  Pedro,  with 
an  immense  army,  the  one  accompanying  Cortes  in  the  assault  on 
the  capital,  the  other  aiding  Olid  and  Alvarado.  Their  assistance 
probably  decided  the  terrible  contest. 

The  house  of  Netzahualcoyotl,  the  father  of  Netzaxualpilli,  suffered 
for  their  conduct.  Cohuanatco  with  other  princes  were  hanged  while 
accompanying  Cortes  in  the  invasion  of  Ibueras.  The  descendant  of 
Ixtlilxochitl  in  the  fifth  generation,  after  a  lapse  of  eighty  years,  states 
in  his  record  of  the  conquest  written  near  the  close  of  life,  that  his 
daughters  were  without  a  protector,  poor,  retired,  with  scarce  a  roof 
over  their  heads,  and  even  from  that  they  were  liable  to  be  ex 
pelled. 

Their  great  ancestor,  Xetzaxualcoyotl,  esteemed  for  his  wisdom,  his 
abilities  as  a  lawgiver  and  warlike  qualities,  is  remembered  as  the 
composer  of  song.  Of  sixty  canticles,  two  remain,  and  portions  of  two 
others  are  preserved  by  his  descendant  in  the  Historia  de  los  (JhicJii- 
mccas.  They  are  conceived  in  no  spirit  of  prophecy  ;  but  are  rather 
the  melancholy  forebodings  that  attend  thoughts  on  the  mutability 
of  earthly  things.  They  were  chanted  at  the  dedication  of  palaces 
and  at  royal  festivals.  One  of  them,  entitled  Song  of  Spring,  com 
mences  : 

"  Listen  to  what  the  king  Netzahualcoyotl  says  in  his  lamenta 
tions  over  the  calamities  and  oppressions  which  his  realms  and 
principalities  are  to  suffer.  When  you  are  gone  from  the  present  to 
the  future,  O  King  Totontzin  !  (this  other  name  he  bore,  Lion-arm,) 
the  time  will  come  when  your  vassals  will  be  overpowered  and  dis 
persed,  all  things  abiding  the  darkness  of  oblivion.  Then  in  truth 
power  and  command  will  not  be  in  your  hand  but  in  that  of  God : 


44    RELATION  OF  ALTAI!  XUNFZ  CAEF»,  A  DF.  VACA. 

then  will  come  the  afflictions,  the  miseries  that  your  children  and 
grandchildren  will  undergo,  who,  weeping,  will  remember  you  have 
left  them  orphans,  the  servants  of  strangers,  in  Acolhuan  their 
country.  To  this  doom  come  sway,  empires  and  lordships,  which 
have  no  stability  and  last  only  a  little  time.  The  things  of  this  life 
are  lent :  in  a  moment  we  are  to  leave  the  world  as  others  have 
left  it." 

In  the  year  1467  the  edifice  dedicated  to  Huitztiliputzli,  the  largest 
in  the  city  of  Tetzcoco,  was  completed.  At  the  opening  the  king  sang  : 

"  In  some  such  year  as  this  when  the  temple  which  is  new  being 
consecrated  shall  be  destroyed,  who  will  be  here  ?  Shall  it  be  my  son 
or  my  grandson  ?  The  earth  will  continue  lessening  in  her  increase,  and 
the  rulers  will  be  no  more.  The  maguey  small  and  untimely,  will  be 
blasted  ;  the  dwarfed  trees  will  yield  no  fruit,  and  the  defective  earth 
go  on  still  becoming  worse."  — YXTLILXOCIIITL  Cap.  XL  VI,  in  IX  vol. 
of  Kingsborough,  p.  259. 

It  was  his  grandchildren,  who,  in  the  heat  of  rivalry  forgot 
their  country,  giving  it  over  as  a  possession  to  the  invader.  Let  us 
hope  that  not  for  safety  was  Don  Pedro  accompanying  the  friar  of 
Huehotzinco. 

I  have  been  favored  from  Mexico  with  the  figure  denoting  the  name 
of  Don  Pedro,  together  with  an  explanation  of  its  meaning  that  will 
be  placed  in  the  addenda.  My  friend  says  and  I  translate : 

"  I  too  think  that  the  Tezcucano  in  company  with  Alvar  N  unez  was  Don 
Pedro  Tetlahuehuetzquititzin,  own  brother  of  Ixtlilxochitl.  The  true 
orthography  of  his  name  I  believe  is  as  I  write  it,  according  perfectly 
with  his  gliph  which  represents  the  name  phonetically  in  this  wise. 
It  denotes  symbolically  and  figuratively  the  mask  of  the  jester 
or  juggler  who  directs  the  Matachin  dances  of  the  ancient 

f. sr  Mexicans,  which  you  may  have  witnessed  here.    It  may  signify 

the  epigrammatic  and  malignant  man  who  makes  jest  of  every 
thing,  besides  one  who  jokes  and  is  witty,  though  in  some  degree  epi 
grammatic.  By  abbreviation  he  is  now  called  by  the  populace  Huehvc, 
old  man,  and  that  was  likewise  a  part  he  represented." 

B  With  the  Comptroller  and  the  Inspector. — Letter. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

WE  GO  FROM  AUTE. 

The  next  morning  we  left  Aute,*  and  traveled  all 
clay  before  coming  to  the  place  I  had  visited.  The 
journey  was  extremely  arduous.  There  were  not 
horses  enough  to  carry  the  sick,  who  went  on  increas 
ing  in  numbers  day  by  day,  and  we  knew  of  no  cure. 
It  was  piteous  and  painful  to  witness  our  perplexity 
and  distress.  "We  saw  on  our  arrival  how  small  were 
the  means  for  advancing  farther.  There  was  not  any 
where  to  go ;  and  if  there  had  been,  the  people  were 
unable  to  move  forward,  the  greater  part  being  ill,  and 
those  were  few  who  could  be  on  duty.  I  cease  here 
to  relate  more  of  this,  because  any  one  may  suppose 
what  would  occur  in  a  country  so  remote  and  malign, 
so  destitute  of  all  resource,  whereby  either  to  live  in 
it  or  go  out  of  it ;  but  most  certain  assistance  is  in  God, 
our  Lord,  on  whom  we  never  failed  to  place  reliance. 
One  thing  occurred,  more  afflicting  to  us  than  all  the 
rest,  which  was,  that  of  the  persons  mounted,  the 
greater  part  commenced  secretly  to  plot,  hoping  to 
secure  a  better  fate  for  themselves  by  abandoning  the 
Governor  and  the  sick,  who  were  in  a  state  of  weak- 

*  August  3.  1528 


46  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

ness  and  prostration.  But,  as  among  them  were  many 
hidalgos  and  persons  of  gentle  condition,  they  would 
not  permit  this  to  go  on,  without  informing  the  Go 
vernor  and  the  officers  of  your  Majesty;  and  as  we 
showed  them  the  deformity  of  their  purpose,  and 
placed  before  them  the  moment  when  they  should 
desert  their  captain,  and  those  who  were  ill  and  feehle, 
and  above  all  the  disobedience  to  the  orders  of  your 
Majesty,  they  determined  to  remain,  and  that  whatever 
might  happen  to  one  should  be  the  lot  of  all,  without 
any  forsaking  the  rest. 

After  the  accomplishment  of  this,  the  Governor 
called  them  all  to  him,  and  of  each  apart  he  asked 
advice  as  to  what  he  should  do  to  get  out  of  a  country 
so  miserable,  and  seek  that  assistance  elsewhere 
wrhich  could  not  here  be  found,  a  third  part  of  the 
people  being  very  sick,  and  the  number  increasing 
every  hour;  for  we  regarded  it  as  certain  that  we 
should  all  become  so,  and  could  pass  out  of  it  only 
through  death,  which  from  its  coming  in  such  a  place 
was  to  us  all  the  more  terrible.  These,  with  main- 
other  embarrassments  being  considered,  and  entertain 
ing  many  plans,  we  coincided  in  one  great  project, 
extremely  difficult  to  put  in  operation,  and  that  was  to 
build  vessels  in  which  we  might  go  away.  This  ap 
peared  impossible  to  every  one :  we  knew  not  how  to 
construct,  nor  were  there  tools,  nor  iron,  nor  forge, 
nor  tow,  nor  resin,  nor  rigging;  finally,  no  one  thing 
of  so  many  that  are  necessary,  nor  any  .man  who  had 
a  knowledge  of  their  manufacture;  and,  above  all, 


CABEQA  DE  VACA.  47 

there  was  nothing  to  eat,  while  building,  for  those  who 
should  labor.  Reflecting  on  all  this,  we  agreed  to 
think  of  the  subject  with  more  deliberation,  and  the 
conversation  dropped  from  that  day,  each  going  his 
way,  commending  our  course  to  God,  our  Lord,  that 
he  would  direct  it  as  should  best  serve  Him. 

The  next  day  it  was  His  will,*  that  one  of  the  com 
pany  should  come  saying,  that  he  could  make  some 
pipes  out  of  wood,  which  with  deer-skins  might  be 
made  into  bellows ;  and,  as  we  lived  in  a  time  when  any 
thing  that  had  the  semblance  of  relief  appeared  well, 
we  told  him  to  set  himself  to  work.  "We  assented  to 
the  making  of  nails,  saws,  axes  and  other  tools  of 
which  there  was  such  need,  from  the  stirrups,  spurs, 
crossbows  and  the  other  things  of  iron  there  were ; 
and  we  laid  out  for  support,  while  the  work  was  going 
on,  that  we  would  make  four  entries  into  Aute, 
with  all  the  horses  and  men  that  were  able  to  go,  and 
that  on  every  third  day  a  horse  should  be  killed  to  be 
divided  among  those  who  labored  in  the  work  of  the 
boats  and  the  sick.  The  incursions  were  made  with 
the  people  and  horses  that  were  available,  and  in  them 
were  brought  back  as  many  as  four  hundred  fanegas 
of  maize ; l  but  these  were  not  got  without  quarrels 
and  contentions  with  the  Indians.  We  caused  many 
palmitos  to  be  collected  for  the  woof  or  covering, 
twisting  and  preparing  it  for  use  in  the  place  of  tow 
for  the  boats. 

*  August  4.  1528 


4g  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

We  commenced  to  build  on  the  fourth,*  with  the 
only  carpenter  in  the  company,  and  we  proceeded  with 
so  great  diligence  that  on  the  twentieth  day  of  Sep 
tember^  five  boats  were  finished  twenty-two  cubits  in 
length,  each  caulked  with  the  fibre  of  the  palmito. 
We  pitched  them  with  a  certain  resin,  made  from  pine 
trees  by  a  Greek,  named  Don  Theodore ;  from  the 
same  husk  of  the  palmito,  and  from  the  tails  and 
manes  of  the  horses  we  made  ropes  and  rigging,  from 
our  shirts,  sails,  and  from  the  savins  growing  there,  we 
made  the  oars  that  appeared  to  us  requisite.  Such 
was  the  country  into  which  our  sins  had  cast  us,  that 
only  by  very  great  search  could  we  find  stone  for  bal 
last  and  anchors,  since  in  it  all  we  had  not  seen  one. 
We  flayed  the  horses,  taking  the  skin  from  their  legs 
entire,  and  tanning  them  to  make  bottles  wherein  to 
carry  water. 

During  this  time  some  went  gathering  shell-fish  in 
the  coves  and  creeks  of  the  sea,  at  which  employment 
the  Indians  twice  attacked  them  and  killed  ten  men 
in  sight  of  the  camp,  without  ouf  being  able  to  afford 
succor.  We  found  their  corpses  traversed  from  side  to 
side  with  arrows ;  and  for  all  some  had  on  good  armor, 
it  did  not  give  adequate  protection  or  security  against 
the  nice  and  powerful  archery  of  which  I  have  spoken. 
According  to  the  declaration  of  our  pilots  under  oath, 
from  the  entrance  to  which  we  had  given  the  name 
Bahia  de  la  Cruz  to  this  place,  we  had  traveled  two 

*  August  4.  t  September  20.  1528 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  49 

hundred  and  eighty  leagues  or  thereabout.2  Over  all 
that  region  we  had  not  seen  a  single  mountain,  and 
had  no  information  of  any  whatsoever. 

Before  we  embarked  there  died  more  than  forty 
men  of  disease  and  hunger,  without  enumerating  those 
destroyed  by  the  Indians.  By  the  twenty-second  of 
the  month  of  September,*  the  horses  had  been  con 
sumed,  one  only  remaining ;  and  on  that  day  we  em 
barked  in  the  following  order :  In  the  boat  of  the 
Governor  went  forty-nine  men ;  in  another,  which  he 
gave  to  the  Comptroller  and  the  Commissary,  went  as 
many  others ;  the  third,  he  gave  to  Captain  Alonzo  del 
Castillo  and  Andres  Dorantes,  with  forty-eight  men; 
and  another  he  gave  to  two  captains,  Tellez  and  Pena- 
losa,  with  forty-seven  men.  The  last  was  given  to  the 
Assessor  and  myself,  with  forty-nine  men.  After  the 
provisions  and  clothes  had  been  taken  in,  not  over  a 
span  of  the  gunwales  remained  above  water ;  and  more 
than  this,  the  boats  were  so  crowded  that  we  could  not 
move :  so  much  can  necessity  do,  which  drove  us  to 
hazard  our  lives  in  this  manner,  running  into  a  turbu 
lent  sea,  not  a  single  one  who  went,  having  a  know 
ledge  of  navigation. 
*  September  22.  1528 

1  Five  f  anegas  measure  nearly  eight  bushels  ;  so  that  the  quantity  of 
maize  got  in  Aute  was  about  six  hundred  and  forty  bushels. — KELLY'S 
Universal  Cambist. 
8  In  fact,  about  this  number  of  geographical  miles. 


50        RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABECA  DE  VACA. 


REVIEW  OF  FORCE  TO  THIS  TIME. 

Sailed  from  Spain,          ....     600  men,  more  or  less. 
Left  the  fleet  at  Santo  Domingo,  .        140  "    and  over. 

Lost  in  the  ships  at  Trinidad  de  Cuba,    60  "     20  horses. 

200      " 

Sailed  from  Xagua,  in  Cuba,  .  .  400  "  80  " 
Landed  at  Bahla  de  la  Cruz,  .  .  "  "  42  " 
Left  on  board  the  vessels,  near  .  .  .  100  persons.* 

Set  out  to  enter  the  country,      .        .        300  men  40  horses. 
Drowned,  or  killed  on  the  march,  .3  "      3    " 

Killed  in  BaMa  de  Cavallos,        .        .10  "    — 

Died  of  disease  and  hunger,  more  than  40  "    37    " 

53     ", 

247 
Embarked  in  the  five  boats  49, 49, 48, 47, 

49,  = 242     "    40    "     killed  for 

subsistence. 

If  to  those  in  the  five  boats  be  added  the  Governor  and  the  four  other 
officers  appointed  by  the  king,  the  account  of  persons  will  be  com 
plete. 

*  Stated  in  the  final  chapter,  of  whom  ten  were  women. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

WE  LEAVE  THE  BAY  OF  HORSES. 

The  haven  we  left  bears  the  name  Bahia  de  Caballos.1 
We  passed  waist  deep  in  water  through  sounds  with 
out  seeing  any  sign  of  the  coast,  and  at  the  close  of 
the  seventh  day,*  we  came  to  an  island  near  the  main. 
My  boat  went  first,  and  from  her  we  saw  Indians  ap 
proaching  in  five  canoes,  which  they  abandoned  and 
left  in  our  hands,  finding  that  we  were  coming  after 
them.  The  other  boats  passed  ahead,  and  stopped  at 
some  houses  on  the  island,  where  we  found  many 
dried  mullet  and  roes,  which  were  a  great  relief  in  our 
distress.  After  taking  these  we  went  on,  and  two 
leagues  thence,  we  discovered  a  strait  the  island  makes 
with  the  land,  which  we  named  Sant  Miguel,  for  hav 
ing  passed  through  it  on  his  day.f  Coming  out  we 
went  to  the  coast,  where  with  the  canoes  I  had  taken, 
we  somewhat  improved  the  boats,  making  waist-boards 
and  securing  them,  so  that  the  sides  rose  two  palms 
above  the  water.  This  done  we  returned  to  move 
along  the  coast  in  the  direction  of  the  river  Palmas, 
our  hunger  and  thirst  continually  increasing ;  for  our 

scant  subsistence  was  getting  near  the  end,  the  water 

• 

*  September  28.  f  September  29.  1528 


52  RELATION   OF  ALVAU  N 

was  out,  and  the  bottles  made  from  the  legs  of  the 
horses  having  soon  rotted,  were  useless.  Sometimes 
we  entered  coves  and  creeks  that  lay  far  in,  and  found 
them  all  shallow  and  dangerous.  Thus  we  journeyed 
along  them  thirty  days,  finding  occasionally  Indian 
fishermen,  a  poor  and  miserable  people. 

At  the  end  of  this  time,  while  the  want  of  water  was 
great,*  going  near  the  coast  at  night  we  heard  the  ap 
proach  of  a  canoe,  for  which,  so  soon  as  it  was  in  sight 
we  paused ;  but  it  would  not  meet  us,  and,  although 
we  called,  it  would  neither  come  nor  wait  for  us.  As 
the  night  was  dark,  we  did  not  follow,  and  kept  on 
our  way.  When  the  sun  rose  we  saw  a  small  island,f 
and  went  to  it  to  find  water ;  but  our  labor  was  vain, 
as  it  had  none.  Lying  there  at  anchor,  a  heavy  storm 
came  on,  that  detained  us  six  days,!  we  n°t  daring  to 
go  to  sea ;  and  as  it  was  now  five  days  since  we  had 
drunk,  our  thirst  was  so  excessive  that  it  put  us  to  the 
extremity  of  swallowing  salt  water,  by  which  some  of 
the  men  became  so  crazed  that  three  or  four  suddenly 
died.  I  state  this  so  briefly,  because  I  do .  not  believe 
there  is  any  necessity  for  particularly  relating  the 
sufferings  and  toils  amidst  which  we  found  ourselves ; 
since,  considering  the  place  where  we  were,  and  the 
little  hope  we  had  of  relief,  every  one  may  conceive 
much  of  what  must  have  passed. 

Although  the  storm  had  not  ceased,  as  our  thirst 
increased  and  the  water  killed  us,  we  resolved  to  com- 

*  October  21.  f  October  22.  J  October.  27.  1528 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  53 

mend  ourselves  to  God  our  Lord,  and  adventure  the  peril 
of  the  sea  rather  than  await  the  end  which  thirst  made 
certain.  Accordingly  we  went  out  by  the  way  we  had 
observed  the  canoe  go  the  night  we  came.*  On  this 
day  we  were  ourselves  many  times  overwhelmed  by 
the  waves,  and  in  such  jeopardy  that  there  was  not  one 
who  did  not  suppose  his  death  inevitable.  Thanks  be 
to  Him,  that  in  the  greatest  dangers,  He  was  wont  to 
show  us  his  favor;  for  at  sunset  doubling  a  point 
made  by  the  land,  we  found  shelter  with  much  calm. 

Many  canoes  came  off  with  Indians  who  spoke  with 
us  and  returned,  not  being  disposed  to  await  our  ar 
rival.  They  were  of  large  stature  and  well  formed : 
they  had  no  bows  and  arrows.  We  followed  them  to 
their  houses  near  by,  at  the  edge  of  the  water,  and 
jumped  on  shore.  Before  their  dwellings  were  many 
clay  pitchers  with  water,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
cooked  fish,  which  the  chief  of  these  territories  offered 
to  the  Governor  and  then  took  him  to  his  house. 
Their  dwellings  were  made  of  mats,  and  so  far  as  we 
observed,  were  not  movable.  On  entering  the  house 
the  cacique  gave  us  fish,  and  we  gave  him  of  the  maize 
we  brought,  which  the  people  ate  in  our  presence. 
They  asked  for  more  and  received  it,  and  the  Go 
vernor  presented  the  cacique  with  many  trinkets. 
While  in  the  house  with  him,  at  the  middle  hour  of 
night,  the  Indians  fell  suddenly  upon  us,  and  on  those 
who  were  very  sick,  scattered  along  the  shore.2  They 

*  October  27.  1528 


54  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

also  beset  the  house  in  which  the  Governor  was,  and 
with  a  stone  struck  him  in  the  face.  Those  of  our 
comrades  present  seized  the  cacique;  but  his  people 
being  near  liberated  him,  leaving  in  our  hands  a  robe 
of  civet-marten. 

These  skins  are  the  best,  I  think,  that  can  be  found ; 
they  have  a  fragrance  that  can  be  equalled  by  amber 
and  musk  alone,  and  even  at  a  distance  is  strongly 
perceptible.  "We  saw  there  other  skins,  but  none  com 
parable  to  these. 

Those  of  us  around,  finding  the  Governor  wounded, 
put  him  into  his  boat;  and  we  caused  others  of  our 
people  to  betake  themselves  likewise  to  their  boats, 
some  fifty  remaining  to  withstand  the  natives.  They 
attacked  us  thrice  that  night,  and  with  so  great 
impetuosity,  that  on  each  occasion  they  made  us 
retire  more  than  a  stone's  cast.  Not  one  among  us 
escaped  injury:  I  was  wounded  in  the  face.  They 
had  not  many  arrows,  but  had  they  been -further  pro 
vided,  doubtless  they  would  have  done  us  much  harm. 
In  the  last  onset,  the  Captains  Dorantes,  Peiialosa,  and 
Tellez  put  themselves  in  ambuscade  with  fifteen  men, 
and  fell  upon  the  rear  in  such  manner  that  the  Indians 
desisted  and  fled. 

The  next  morning  I  broke  up  more  than  thirty  ca 
noes,*  which  were  serviceable  for  fuel  in  a  north  wind 
in  which  we  were  kept  all  day  suffering  severe  cold,  with 
out  daring  to  go  to  sea,  because  of  the  rough  weather 

*  October  28.  1528 


CABE(?A  DE  VACA.  55 

upon  it.  This  having  subsided,  we  again  embarked, 
and  navigated  three  days.*  As.  we  brought  little 
water  and  the  vessels  were  few,  we  were  reduced  to 
the  last  extremity.  Following  our  course,  we  entered 
an  estuary,  and  being  there  we  saw  Indians  approach 
ing  in  a  canoe.  We  called  to  them  and  they  came. 
The  Governor,  at  whose  boat  they  first  arrived,  asked 
for  water,  which  they  assented  to  give,  asking  for 
something  in  which  they  might  bring  it,  when  Doro- 
theo  Theodoro,  a  Greek  spoken  of  before,  said  that  he 
wished  to  go  with  them.  The  Governor  tried  to  dis 
suade  him,  and  so  did  others,  but  were  unable;  he 
was  determined  to  go  whatever  might  betide.  Ac 
cordingly  he  went,  taking  with  him  a  negro,  the  na 
tives  leaving  two  of  their  number  as  hostages.  At 
night  the  Indians  returned  with  the  vessels  empty  and 
without  the  Christians ;  and  when  those  we  held  were 
spoken  to  by  them,  they  tried  to  plunge  into  the  sea. 
Being  detained  by  the  men,  the  Indians  in  the  canoe 
thereupon  fled,  leaving  us  sorrowful  and  much  dejected 
for  our  loss. 

*  October  29.  1528 

1  The  appearance  that  Balim  de  los  Cdballos  presented  in  the  year 
1539,  when  visited  by  Juan  de  Anasco  with  a  squadron  from  the  army 
of  Soto,  is  thus  stated  by  the  YNCA.  CHAKLEVOIX,  who  was  at  San 
Marcos  de  Apalache  there  wrote  in  the  year  1722 :  Cette  Baye  est 
precisement  ce  que  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  appelle  dans  son  Histoire 
de  la  Floride  la  Port  d'  Aute—  Lettre  XXXIV. 

"  Guided  by  three  Indians,  they  arrived  at  a  very  wide  and  spa 
cious  bay,  and  keeping  its  shore  they  came  to  the  place  at  which  Pan- 
philo  de  Narvaez  had  stopped.  They  saw  where  had  been  a  furnace 
in  which  were  made  the  spikes  for  his  boats,  and  much  charcoal  was 


56  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

lying  about.  They  saw  also  some  large  hollowed  logs,  used  as 
troughs  for  feeding  horses. 

"  The  Indians  showed  them  the  place  where  ten  of  the  Spaniards 
were  killed,  as  Cabec,a  de  Vaca  writes  in  his  history.  They  took  them 
step  by  step  over  all  that  Narvaez  had  gone,  pointing  to  the  spots 
where  such  and  such  an  event  took  place.  Finally  they  left  no  me 
morable  thing  which  had  occurred  to  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  in  that 
bay  untold,  by  signs  and  by  words  well  or  badly  understood,  some 
of  them  spoken  in  Castillian,  which  they  had  learned  aforetime. 

"  Captain  Anasco  and  his  soldiers  sought  diligently  in  holes  and 
under  the  bark  of  trees  for  letters,  in  the  places  where  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  discoverers  to  conceal  them,  that  they  might  have  ac 
count  of  what  those  who  went  before  had  seen  and  learned  ;  but 
they  discovered  nothing  which  they  desired  to  find.  After  this  they 
followed  the  shore  of  the  bay  to  the  sea  three  leagues,  and  with  the 
ebb  tide  ten  or  twelve  swimmers  went  out  in  some  old  canoes  they 
found  abandoned,  and  sounded  the  depths  of  the  bay  in  mid-channel." 

Among  the  collection  of  Ancient  Charts  in  fac-simile  published 
by  Jomard,  is  a  mappemonde  from  the  hand  of  SEBASTIAN  CABOT, 
upon  which  is  inscribed  at  Apalache  bay,  baya  de  'miruelo. 

aqui  de  san  barco  panflo  de  narnez 

which  were  enough  to  convince,  were  other  evidence  wanting,  that 
this  map  is  little  likely  to  have  been  engraved  where  the  Spanish 
was  spoken. 

The  chart  refers  in  different  places  to  the  Tabvla  Prima  and  Tabula 
Secvnda  (both  omitted  to  be  published),  the  former  on  the  originals  to 
the  left  of  the  spectator,  numbering  ten  sections,  alternately  Spanish 
and  Latin,  the  latter  on  the  right,  twelve  sections,  in  the  same  lan 
guages.  They  cover  eight  pages  folio,  on  paper  pasted  as  was  the 
custom  once  on  the  margin  outside  of  the  map.  The  impression  is 
ancient,  unofficial,  appears  to  have  been  taken  from  a  cut  on  wood, 
and,  in  the  opinion  of  an  excellent  judge,  Sr.  d.  P.  de  Gayangos,  who 
attentively  examined  it  for  me,  "  was  probably  printed  in  Brussels 
or  Amsterdam  or  some  such  place."  In  two  corners  of  the  map  are 
ornaments  with  frivolous  or  rather  senseless  inscriptions.  "  It  has 
been  in  the  Biblioteque  Imperiale  about  twenty  years,"  said  M.  Richard 
Cortambert,  the  distinguished  Mernbre  des  Comite  d' archeologie  ame- 
ricaine,  of  France,  in  October,  1868.  The  chart  is  colored  green,  blue, 
red :  a  double  eagle  is  outside  of  the  field  of  the  hemispheres,  with 
columns  of  Hercules.  It  bears  the  title : 

"  Sebastian  Caboto  Capitan,  y  piloto  mayor  de  la  S.  c.  c.  m.  del  Im- 
perador  don  Carlos  quinto  deste  nombre,  y  Rev  nuestro  sennor  hizo 


CABEQA  DE  VACA.  57 

esta  figura  extensa  en  piano,  anno  del  nascim?  de  nro  Salvador  lesu 
Christo  de  M.D.XLIIII,  annos  tirada  por  grades  de  latitud  y  longitud 
con  sus  uientos  como  carta  de  marear,  imitando  en  parte  el  Ptolomeo, 
y  en  parte  a  los  modernos  descobridores,  assi  Epannoles  como  Portu 
gueses,  y  parte  por  su  padre,  y  por  el  descubierto,  por  doude  podras 
nauegar  como  por  carta  de  marear " 

"  Sebastian  Caboto  captain  and  chief  pilot  of  the  Sacred  Caesarean 
Catholic  Majesty  the  Emperor  Don  Carlos  fifth  of  the  name  and  the 
King  our  master,  made  this  extensive  configuration  in  piano,  year  of 
the  birth  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  1544  years,  drawn  in  degrees  of 
latitude  and  longitude  with  points  of  compass  like  a  marine  chart, 
imitating  that  of  Ptolomeus  in  part,  and  the  modern  discoverers, 
Spaniards  as  well  as  Portuguese,  partly  by  his  father  and  by  him 
discovered,  wherewith  you  may  navigate  as  by  a  sea-card.  ..." 

"  §  8.  Terram  hanc  olim  nobis  clausam,  aperuit  loannes  Cabotus 
Venetus,  necno  Sebastianus  Cabotus  eius  filius,  anno  ab  orbe  re- 
dempto  1494  die  uero  34.  lulij,  hora  5.  sub  diliculo  qua  terra  primu 
uisam  appllarut  &  Insula.  quanda  magna  ei  opposita,  Insula  diui  Jo 
annes  nominarunt,  quippe  quae  solenni  die  festo  diui  loannis  aperta 
fuit.  .  .  ." 

"  Esta  tierra  f  ue  descubierta  por  Juan  Caboto  Veneciano,  y  Sebas 
tian  tian  Caboto  su  hijo,  anno  del  nascimiento  de  nuestro  Saluador 
Jesu  Christo  de  M.CCCC.XCIIII.  a  ueinte  y  quatro  de  Junio  por  la 
mamma,  a  la  qual  pusieron  nobre  prinia  tierra  uista,  y  a  una  isla  grade 
que  esta  par  de  la  dha  tierra  le  pusieron  nombre  sant  Joan,  por 
auer  sido  descubierta  el  mismo  dia  la  gente  della  andan  uestidos  de 
pieles  de  orsos,  plaueos  y  cieruos  muy  grandes  como  cauallos,  y  otras 
muchas  animales,  y  semeiantamete  ay  pescado  infinito,  sollos  salmoes, 
lenguados,  muy  grandes  de  uara  en  largo  y  otras  muchas  diuersidades 
de  pescados,  y  la  mayor  inultitud  dellos  se  dizen  bacallaos,  y  asi  mismo 
ay  en  la  dha  tierra  Halcones  prietos,  como  cueruos,  Aguillas  Perdices, 
Pardillas,  y  otras  muchas  aves  de  diuersas  maneras." 

"  This  land  was  discovered  by  Juan  Caboto,  Venetian,  and  Sebas 
tian  Caboto,  his  son,  year  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ 
1494,  the  24th  of  June  in  the  morning,  to  which  they  gave  the  name 
First-land-seen,  and  to  a  large  island  along  said  land  they  gave  the 
name  Sant  Joan  for  having  been  discovered  on  the  same  day.  The 
people  of  it  go  dressed  in  figured  bear  skins,  and  in  those  of  very  large 
stags  like  horses,  and  of  many  other  animals.  In  like  manner  there 
is  an  infinity  of  fish,  pike,  salmon,  sole,  very  large,  a  yard  in  length, 
and  many  other  sort  of  fish,  the  greatest  number  called  bacallaos  ; 


58   RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

and  likewise  in  that  country  are  falcons,  black  as  crows,  eagles,  par 
tridges,  linnets,  and  many  other  birds  of  different  kinds." 

F.  A.  DE  VARNHAGEN  has  stated  with  greater  exactness  the  position 
of  the  Bay  :  "  Tocobaga,  more  recently  called  Miruelo."  Le  premier 
voyage  de  Amerigo  Vespucci,  Vienne,  1869,  p.  30.  The  bay  was  the 
present  Tampa  and  formerly  Espiritu  Santo,  the  entrance  in  latitude 
27°  35'  north,  on  the  western  coast  of  the  Peninsula  of  Florida. 

"  Killing  three  men. — Letter.    . 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  ASSAULT  FROM  THE  INDIANS. 

The  morning  having  come,*  many  natives  arrived 
in  canoes  who  asked  us  for  the  two  that  had  remained 
in  the  hoat.  The  Governor  replied  that  he  would  give 
up  the  hostages  when  they  should  bring  the  Christians 
they  had  taken.  With  the  Indians  had  come  five  or  six 
chiefs,  who  appeared  to  us  to  be  the  most  comely  per 
sons,  and  of  more  authority  and  condition  than  any  we 
had  hitherto  seen,  although  not. so  large  as  some  others 
of  whom  we  have  spoken.  They  wore  the  hair  loose 
and  very  long,  and  were  covered  with  robes  of  marten 
such  as  we  had  before  taken.  Some  of  the  robes  were 
made  up  after  a  strange  fashion,  with  wrought  ties  of 
lion  skin,  making  a  brave  show.  They  entreated  us  to 
go  with  them,  and  said  they  would  give  us  the  Christ 
ians,  water,  and  many  other  things.  They  continued 
to  collect  about  us  in  canoes,  attempting  in  them  to 
take  possession  of  the  mouth  of  that  entrance ;  in  con 
sequence,  and  because  it  was  hazardous  to  stay  near 
the  land,  we  went  to  sea,  where  they  remained  by  us 
until  about  mid-day.  As  they  would  not  deliver  our 
people,  we  would  not  give  up  theirs ;  so  they  began 

*  October  31.  1528 


(50  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

to  hurl  clubs  at  us  and  to  throw  stones  with  slinks, 

O     " 

making  threats  of  shooting  arrows,  although  we  had 
not  seen  among  them  all  more  than  three  or  four 
bows.  While  thus  engaged,  the  wind  beginning  to 
freshen,  they  left  us  and  went  back. 

We  sailed  that  day  until  the  middle  of  the  after 
noon,  when  my  boat,  which  was  first,  discovered  a 
point  made  by  the  land,  and  against  a  cape  opposite, 
passed  a  broad  river.  I  cast  anchor  near  a  little  island 
forming  the  point,  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  other  boats. 
The  Governor  did  not  choose  to  come  up,  and  entered 
a  bay  near  by  in  which  were  a  great  many  islets.  We 
came  together  there,  and  took  .fresh  water  from  the 
sea,  the  stream  entering  it  in  freshet.  To  parch  some 
of  the  maize  we  brought  with  us,  since  we  had  eaten 
it  raw  for  two  days,  we  went  on  an  island ;  but  finding 
no  wood  we  agreed  to  go  to  the  river  beyond  the 
point,  one  league  off.  By  no  effort  could  we  get  there, 
so  violent  was  the  current  on  the  way,  which  drove 
us  out,  while  we  contended  and  strove  to  gain  the 
land.  The  north  wind,  which  came  from  the  shore, 
began  to  blow  so  strongly  that  it  forced  us  to  sea  with 
out  our  being  able  to  overcome  it.  We  sounded  half 
a  league  out,  and  found  with  thirty  fathoms  we  could 
not  get  bottom;  but  we  were  unable  to  satisfy  our 
selves  that  the  current  was  not  the  cause  of  failure.1 
Toiling  in  this  manner  to  fetch  the  land,  we  navigated 
three  days,*  and  at  the  end  of  this  time,  a  little  before 

•November  2.  1528 


CABE<?A  DE  VACA.  gl 

the  sun  rose,  we  saw  smoke  in  several  places  along  the 
shore.  Attempting  to  reach  them,  we  found  ourselves 
in  three  fathoms  of  water,  and  in  the  darkness  we 
dared  not  come  to  land ;  for  as  we  had  seen  so  many 
smokes,  some  surprise  might  lie  in  wait,  and  the  obscu 
rity  leave  us  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  We  determined 
therefore  to  stop  until  morning. 

When  day  came,  the  boats  had  lost  sight  of  each 
other.  I  found  myself  in  thirty  fathoms.  Keeping 
my  course  until  the  hour  of  vespers,  I  observed  two 
boats,  and  drawing  near  I  found  that  the  first  I  ap 
proached  was  that  of  the  Governor.  He  asked  me 
what  I  thought  we  should  do.  I  told  him  we  ought 
to  join  the  boat  which  went  in  advance,  and  by  no 
means  to  leave  her ;  and,  the  three  being  together,  we 
must  keep  on  our  way  to  where  God  should  be  pleased 
to  lead.  He  answered  saying  that  could  not  be  done, 
because  the  boat  was  far  to  sea  and  he  wished  to  reach 
the  shore ;  that  if  I  wished  to  follow  him,  I  should 
order  the  persons  of  my  boat  to  take  the  oars  and 
work,  as  it  was  only  by  strength  of  arm  that  the  land 
could  be  gained.  He  was  advised  to  this  course  by  a 
captain  with  him  named  Pantoja,  who  said  that  if  he 
did  not  fetch  land  that  day,  in  six  days  more  they 
would  not  reach  it,  and  in  that  time  they  must  inevit 
ably  famish.  Discovering  his  will  I  took  my  oar,  and 
so  did  every  one  his,  in  my  boat,  to  obey  it.  We 
rowed  until  near  sunset ;  but  the  Governor  having  in 
his  boat  the  healthiest  of  all  the  men,  we  could  not  by 
any  means  hold  with  or  follow  her.  .  Seeing  this,  I 


(J2  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

asked  him  to  give  me  a  rope  from  his  boat,  that  I 
might  be  enabled  to  keep  up  with  him;  but  he  an 
swered  me  that  he  would  do  no  little,  if  they,  as  they 
were,  should  be  able  to  reach  the  land  that  night.  I 
said  to  him,  that  since  he  saw  the  feeble  strength  we 
had  to  follow  him,  and  do  what  he  ordered,  he  must 
tell  me  how  he  would  that  I  should  act.  He  answered 
that  it  was  no  longer  a  time  in  which  one  should  com 
mand  another;  but  that  each  should  do  what  he 
thought  best  to  save  his  own  life ;  that  he  so  intended 
to  act;  and  saying  this,  he  departed  with  his  boat. 

As  I  could  not  follow  him,  I  steered  to  the  other 
boat  at  sea,  which  waited  for  me,  and  having  come  up, 
I  found  her  to  be  the  one  commanded  by  the  Captains 
Penalosa  and  Tellez. 

Thus  we  continued  in  company,  eating  a  daily  allow 
ance  of  half  a  handful  of  raw  maize,  until  the  end  of 
four  days,  when  we  lost  sight  of  each  other  in  a  storm ; 
and  such  was  the  weather,  that  only  by  God's  favor, 
we  did  not  all  go  down.  Because  of  winter  and  its  in 
clemency,  the  many  days  we  had  suffered  hunger,  and 
the  heavy  beating  of  the  waves,  the  people  began  next 
day  to  despair  in  such  a  manner  that  when  the  sun 
sank,  all  who  were  in  my  boat  were  fallen  one  on  an 
other,  so  near  to  death  that  there  were  few  among 
them  in  a  state  of  sensibility.  Of  the  whole  number  at 
this  time  not  five  men  were  on  their  feet ;  and  when 
night  came,  only  the  master  and  myself  were  left,  who 

*  November  4.  1528 


CABE^A  DE  VACA.  gg 

could  work  the  boat.  Two  hours  after  dark,  he  said 
to  me  that  I  must  take  charge  of  her  as  he  was  in 
such  condition  he  believed  he  should  die  that  night. 
So  I  took  the  paddle,  and  going  after  midnight  tt)  see 
if  the  master  was  alive,  he  said  to  me  he  was  rather 
better,  and  would  take  the  charge  until  day.  I  declare 
in  that  hour  I  would  more  willingly  have  died  than 
seen  so  many  people  before  me  in  such  condition. 
After  the  master  took  the  direction  of  the  boat,  I  lay 
down  a  little  while;  but  without  repose,  for  nothing 
at  that  time  was  farther  from  me  than  sleep. 

Near  the  dawn  of  day,*  it  seemed  to  me  I  heard  the 
tumbling  of  the  sea ;  for  as  the  coast  was  low,  it  roared 
loudly.  Surprised  at  this,  I  called  to  the  master,  who 
answered  me  that  he  believed  we  were  near  the  land. 
We  sounded  and  found  ourselves  in  seven  fathoms. 
He  advised  that  we  should  keep  to  sea  until  sunrise  ; 
accordingly  I  took  an  oar  and  pulled  on  the  land  side, 
until  we  were  a  league  distant,  when  we  gave  her 
stern  to  the  sea.  Near  the  shore  a  wave  took  us,  that 
knocked  the  boat  out  of  water  the  distance  of  the 
throw  of  a  crowbar,3  and  from  the  violence  with  which 
she  struck,  nearly  all  the  people  who  were  in  her  like 
dead,  were  roused  to  consciousness.  Finding  them 
selves  near  the  shore,  they  began  to  move  on  hands 
and  feet,  crawling  to  land  into  some  ravines.  There 
we  made  fire,  parched  some  of  the  maize  we  brought, 
and  found  rain  water.  From  the  warmth  of  the  fire 

*  November  5.  1528 


64       RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

the  people  recovered  their  faculties,  and  began  some 
what  to  exert  themselves.  The  day  on  which  we 
arrived  was  the  sixth  of  November.* 

*  November  6.  1528 

1  In  the  year  1540  the  soldiers  under  Soto  on  their  way  to  the  town 
of  Ma vila,  came  to  a  large  river  which  they  believed  to  be  the  one 
entering  the  bay  of  Chuse.  They  heard  that  the  boats  cf  Narvaez 
had  been  there  below  for  water,  that  Don  Theodoro  and  his  com 
panion  had  remained  among  the  Indians,  and  were  shown  likewise 
a  dirk  that  had  been  his. — BIEDMA. 

The  bay  of  Achuse  was  afterwards  called  Panzacola  by  the  Span 
iards. — BARCIA  Ensyyo  Cro. 

On  the  authority  of  that  gentleman  who  had  followed  Soto  to  see 
the  world,  and  who  for  recreation,  kept  a  journal  that  he  might  know 
how  his  days  passed  away,  OVIEDO  states  that  at  Piahi,  a  town  built 
on  the  steep  bluff  of  a  river,  the  Spaniards  heard  of  Theodoro  and 
the  negro,  and  that  they  had  been  killed.  From  these  statements  it 
would  appear  that  the  army  of  Soto,  moving  westwardly,  had  not  at 
that  time  reached  the  Coosa  river. 

a  "  The  boat,  in  which  the  Treasurer  was,  arrived  at  a  point  made 
by  the  coast,  behind  which  was  a  river  that  flowed  broad  and  swollen 
from  freshet :  a  little  behind,  the  boat  of  the  Governor  with  the  others 
anchored  among  some  islands  near  by,  whither  the  Treasurer  went  and 
made  known  the  discovery  of  that  river.  As  they  found  no  wood 
with  which  to  parch  the  maize  they  had  been  eating  raw  for  two 
days,  they  agreed  to  enter  that  river,  of  which  they  took  up  fresh 
water  in  the  sea ;  but,  on  drawing  near  to  it,  the  violence  of  the  cur 
rent  at  the  entrance  did  not  permit  them  to  gain  the  land." — Letter. 
This  river  is  supposed  to  be  the  Mississippi.  The  date  is  about  the 
3d  of  November,  1528. 

*  Juego  de  Jierradura.  The  reference  is  to  the  distance  the  bar  of 
iron  may  be  thrown  in  the  exercise  ofjuego  de  la  barm,  practiced  in 
Spain,  particularly  among  the  yeomen  of  Navarra.  The  instrument, 
often  a  crowbar,  is  grasped  in  the  middle  and  cast  the  distance  possible, 
to  fall  erect. 


CHAPTER  XL 

OF  WHAT  BEFEL  LOPE  DE  OVIEDO  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 

After  the  people  had  eaten,  I  ordered  Lope  de 
Oviedo,  who  had  more  strength  and  was  stouter  than 
any  of  the  rest,  to  go  to  some  trees  that  were  near  by, 
and  climbing  into  one  of  them  to  look  about  and  try 
to  gain  knowledge  of  the  country.  He  did  as  I  bade, 
and  made  out  that  we  were  on  an  island.  He  saw  that 
the  land  was  pawed  up  in  the  manner  that  ground  is 
wont  to  be  where  cattle  range,  whence  it  appeared  to 
him  that  this  should  be  a  country  of  Christians ;  and 
thus  he  reported  to  us.  I  ordered  him  to  return  and 
examine  much  more  particularly,  and  see  if  there  were 
any  roads  that  were  worn,  but  without  going  far,  be 
cause  there  might  be  danger. 

He  went,  and  coming  to  a  path,  took  it  for  the  dis 
tance  of  half  a  league,  and  found  some  huts,  without 
tenants,  they  having  gone  into  the  woods.  He  took 
from  these  an  earthen  pot,  a  little  dog,1  some  few  mul 
lets,  and  returned.  As  it  appeared  to  us  he  was  gone 
a  long  time,  we  sent  two  men  that  they  should  look  to 
see  what  might  have  happened.  They  met  him  near 
by,  and  saw  that  three  Indians  with  bows  and  arrows 
followed  and  were  calling  to  him,  while  he,  in  the 
same  way,  was  beckoning  them  on.  Thus  he  arrived 
9 


66      RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

where  we  were,  the  natives  remaining  a  little  way 
back,  seated  on  the  shore.  Half  an  hour  after,  they 
were  supported  by  one  hundred  other  Indian  bow 
men,2  who  if  they  were  not  large,  our  fears  made 
giants  of  them.  They  stopped  near  us  with  the  first 
three.  It  were  idle  to  think  that  any  among  us  could 
make  defence ;  for  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  find 
six  that  could  rise  from  the  ground.  The  Assessor 
and  I  went  out  and  called  to  them,  and  they  came  to 
us.  We  endeavored  the  best  we  could  to  encourage 
them  and  secure  their  favor.  We  gave  them  beads 
and  hawk-bells,  and  each  of  them  gave  me  an  arrow, 
which  is  a  pledge  of  friendship.  They  told  us  by 
signs  that  they  would  return  in  the  morning  and  bring 
us  something  to  eat,  as  at  that  time  they  had  nothing. 

1  The  word  perntto,  meaning  diminutive  dog,  is  familiarly  used  by 
old  writers  for  perro  mudo,  or  dumb  dog,  inhabiting  the  Antillas, 
Tierra-firme  and  New  Spain.  An  additional  word  in  the  text,  pe- 
queno,  little,  seems  to  attach  a  particular  meaning  to  the  first.  The 
natives  of  Espanola  reared  the  perrillo  in  their  dwellings  for  food 
and  the  hunting  of  small  game ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been  a  differ 
ent  animal  from  the  Proeyon  lotor'ot  the  continent.  In  the  account 
of  the  expedition  of  Soto,  given  in  Oviedo,  it  is  stated  that  while  the 
army  was  in  a  certain  region  of  country  (now  covered  by  the  state  of 
Georgia),  it  was  plentifully  supplied  with  perrttlos  by  the  Indians. 
We  may  suspect  that  the  raccoon  in  this  instance,  was  intended  to 
be  understood,  and  that  peri'illo  pequeflo  marks  the  specific  animal 
distinctively  with  its  size. 

a  Two  hundred  archers  with  holes  in  their  ears  in  which  were  joints 
of  cane. — Letter. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE  INDIANS  BRING  US  FOOD. 

At  sunrise  the  next  day,*  the  time  the  Indians 
appointed,  they  came  according  to  their  promise,  and 
brought  us  a  large  quantity  of  fish  with  certain  roots, 
some  a  little  larger  than  walnuts,  others  a  trifle  smaller, 
the  greater  part  got  from  under  the  water  and  with 
much  labor.  In  the  evening  they  returned  and  brought 
us  more  fish  and  roots.  They  sent  their  women  and 
children  to  look  at  us,  who  went  back  rich  with  the 
hawk-bells  and  beads  given  them,  and  they  came  after 
wards  on  other  days,  returning  as  before.  Finding 
that  we  had  provision,  fish,  roots,  water  and  other 
things  we  asked  for,  we  determined  to  embark  again 
and  pursue  our  course.  Having  dug  out  our  boat  from 
the  sand  in  which  it  was  buried,  it  became  necessary 
that  we  should  strip,  and  go  through  great  exertion 
to  launch  her,  we  being  in  such  a  state  that  things  very 
much  lighter  sufficed  to  make  us  great  labor. 

Thus  embarked,  at  the  distance  of  two  cross-bow 
shots  in  the  sea  we  shipped  a  wave  that  entirely  wet 
us.  As  we  were  naked,  and  the  cold  was  very  great, 
the  oars  loosened  in  our  hands,  and  the  next  blow  the 

*  November  7.  1528 


gg  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

sea  struck  us,  capsized  the  boat.  The  Assessor  and 
two  others  held,  fast  to  her  for  preservation,  but  it 
happened  to  be  far  otherwise ;  the  boat  carried  them 
over,  and  they  were  drowned  under  her.  As  the  surf 
near  the  shore  was  very  high,  a  single  roll  of  the  sea 
threw  the  rest  into  the  waves  and  half  drowned  upon  the 
shore  of  the  island,  without  our  losing  any  more  than 
those  the  boat  took  down.  The  survivors  escaped 
naked  as. they  were  born,  with  the  loss  of  all  they  had ; 
and  although  the  whole  was  of  little  value,  at  that 
time  it  was  worth  much,  as  we  were  then  in  No 
vember,  the  cold  was  severe,  and  our  bodies  were 
so  emaciated  the  bones  might  be  counted  with  little 
difficulty,  having  become  the  perfect  figures  of  death. 
For  myself  I  can  say  that  from  the  month  of  May 
passed,  I  had  eaten  no  other  thing  than  maize,  and 
sometimes  I  found  myself  obliged  to  eat  it  unparched  ; 
for  although  the  beasts  were  slaughtered  while  the 
boats  were  building,  I  could  never  eat  their  flesh, 
and  I  did  not  eat  fish  ten  times.  I  state  this  to  avoid 
giving  excuses,  and  that  every  one  may  judge  in  what 
condition  we  were.  Besides  all  these  misfortunes, 
came  a  north  wind  upon  us,  from  which  we  were 
nearer  to  death  than  life.  Thanks  be  to  our  Lord 
that  in  looking  among  the  brands  we  had  used  there, 
we  found  sparks  from  which  we  made  great  fires. 
And  thus  were  we  asking  mercy  of  Him  and  pardon 
for  our  transgressions,  shedding  many  tears,  and  each 
regretting  not  his  own  fate  alone,  but  that  of  his  com 
rades  about  him. 


CABE(?A  DE  VACA.  gg 

At  sunset,  the  Indians  thinking  that  we  had  not 
gone,  came  to  seek  us  and  bring  us  food;  but  when 
they  saw  us  thus,  in  a  plight  so  different 'from  what  it 
was  before,  and  so  extraordinary,  they  were  alarmed 
and  turned  back.  I  went  toward  them  and  called, 
when  they  returned  much  frightened.  I  gave  them  to 
understand  by  signs  that  our  boat  had  sunk  and  three 
of  bur  number  had  been  drowned.  There,  before 
them,  they  saw  two  of  the  departed,  and  we  who  re 
mained  were  near  joining  them.  The  Indians,  at  sight 
of  what  had  befallen  us,  and  our  state  of  suffering  and 
melancholy  destitution,  sat  down  among  us,  and  from 
the  sorrow  and  pity  they  felt,  they  all  began  to  lament 
so  earnestly  that  they  might  have  been  heard  at  a  dis 
tance,  and  continued  so  doing  more  than  half  an  hour. 
It  was  strange  to  see  these  men,  wild  and  untaught, 
howling  like  brutes  over  our  misfortunes.  It  caused 
in  me  as  in  others,  an  increase  of  feeling  and  a  livelier 
sense  of  our  calamity.1 

The  cr-ies  having  ceased,  I  talked  with  th'e  Christ 
ians,  and  said  that  if  it  appeared  well  to  them,  I  would 
beg  these  Indians  to  take  us  to  their  houses.  Some, 
who  had  been  in  New  Spain,  replied  that  we  ought 
not  to  think  of  it;  for  if  they  should  do  so,  they  would 
sacrifice  us  to  their  idols.  But  seeing  no  better 
course,  and  that  any  other  led  to  a  nearer  and  more 
certain  death,  I  disregarded  what  was  said,  and  be 
sought  the  Indians  to  take  us  to  their  dwellings.  They 
signified  that  it  would  give  them  delight,  and  that  we 
should  tarry  a  little,  that  they  might  do  what  we 


70  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

asked.  Presently  thirty  men  loaded  themselves  with 
wood  and  started  for  their  houses,  which  were  far  off, 
and  we  remained  with  the  others  until  near  night, 
when,  holding  us  up,  they  carried  us  with  all  haste. 
Because  of  the  extreme  coldness  of  the  weather,  lest 
any  one  should  die  or  fail  by  the  way,  they  caused 
four  or  five  very  large  fires  to  be  placed  at  intervals, 
and  at  each  they  warmed  us ;  and  when  they  saw  that 
we  had  regained  some  heat  and  strength,  they  took  us 
to  the  next  so  swiftly  that  they  hardly  let  us  touch  our 
feet  to  the  ground.  In  this  manner,  we  went  as  far  as 
their  habitations,  where  we  found  that  they  had  made 
a  house  for  us  with  many  fires  in  it.  An  hour  after 
our  arrival,  they  began  to  dance  and  hold  great  rejoic 
ing,  which  lasted  all  night,  although  for  us  there  was 
no  joy,  festivity  nor  sleep,  awaiting  the  hour  they 
should  make  us  victims.  In  the  morning,*  they  again 
gave  us  fish  and  roots,  showing  us  such  hospitality 
that  we  were  re-assured,  and  lost  somewhat  the  fear  of 
sacrifice. 

*  November  8.  1528 

1 "  The  Indian  and  the  white  man  having  made  each  other  presents, 
they  thereby  became  friends,  so  as  to  make  it  the  duty  of  each  to 
weep  for  the  affliction  of  the  other.  The  dances  that  follow  the 
wailing,  "  says  Peter  P.  Pitchlynn,  an  educated  English  half-blood, 
chief  of  the  Chatas,  who  considers  that  he  perfectly  comprehends  the 
conduct  of  these  natives,  "  was  to  cheer  and  sooth  the  strangers  that 
they  might  the  less  feel  their  loss.  It  is  a  duty,  he  says,  among  his 
people,  to  mourn  with  friends  in  their  bereavement.  Even  persons 
long  separated,  when  they  meet,  though  it  should  be  on  a  road  and 
after  a  death  has  long  occurred,  sit  down  together  and  the  friends 
lament  the  lost  one,  with  tears  and  sorrowing  hearts.  Long  journeys 
are  made  to  show  this  act  of  respect  for  the  one  that  is  not ;  the  name 


CABEgA  DE  VACA.  71 

of  the  deceased  never  being  mentioned  in  the  presence  of  a  relative. 
It  is  etiquette  to  allow  the  persons  bereaved  first  to  speak  of  their 
loss,  a  delicate  consideration  for  their  feelings  to  be  invariably  ob 
served." 

Some  missionaries  to  the  Indians  appear  not  to  have  known  and  to 
have  been  puzzled  with  this  observance  common  among  the  natives, 
of  not  naming  the  dead.  Two  Jesuits  in  a  report  of  their  visit  to  the 
Kalo  at  the  Capes  of  Florida,  in  the  year  1743,  write  to  Horcasitas, 
Captain  General  of  Cuba :  "  To  close  their  mouths  we  have  had  to 
take  the  method  of  proving  to  them  the  immortality  of  the  soul  by 
their  own  strange  custom  of  offering  to  the  dead,  and  the  killing  of 
Children  to  serve  the  deceased  chief ;  but  on  naming  death  or  the 
dead  they  go  away  with  fear  or  some  other  emotion  we  do  not  distin 
guish." — MS. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

WE  HEAR  OF  OTHER  CHRISTIANS. 

This  day  I  saw  a  native  with  an  article  of  traffic  I 
knew  was  not  one  we  had  bestowed;  and  asking 
whence  it  came,  I  was  told  by  signs  that  it  had  been 
given  by  men  like  ourselves  who  were  behind.  Hear 
ing  this  I  sent  two  Indians,  and  with  them  two  Christ 
ians  to  be  shown  those  persons.  They  met  near  by, 
as  the  men  were  coming  to  look  after  us ;  for  the  In 
dians  of  the  place  where  they  were,  gave  them  inform 
ation  concerning  us.  They  were  the  Captains  Andres 
Dorantes  and  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  with  all  the  persons 
of  their  boat.  Having  come  up  they  were  surprised 
at  seeing  us  in  the  condition  we  were,  and  very  much 
pained  at  having  nothing  to  give  us,  as  they  had 
brought  no  other  clothes  than  what  they  had  on. 

Thus  together  again,  they  related  that  on  the  fifth 
day  of  that  month,*  their  boat  had  capsized  a  league 
and  a  half  from  there,  and  they  escaped  without  losing 
any  thing.  We  all  agreed  to  refit  their  boat,1  that 
those  of  us  might  go  in  her  who  had  vigor  sufficient 
and  disposition  to  do  so,  and  the  rest  should  remain 
until  they  became  well  enough  to  go,  as  they  best 

*  November  5.  1528 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA.     73 

might,  along  the  coast  until  God  our  Lord  should  be 
pleased  to  conduct  us  alike  to  a  land  of  Christians. 
Directly  as  we  arranged  this,  we  set  ourselves  to  work. 
Before  we  threw  the  hoat  out  into  the  water,  Tavera, 
a  gentleman  of  our  company,  died;  and  the  boat,* 
which  we  thought  to  use,  came  to  its  end,  sinking  from 
unfitness  to  float. 

As  we  were  in  the  condition  I  have  mentioned,  the 
greater  number  of  us  naked,  and  the  weather  bois 
terous  for  travel,  and  to  cross  rivers  and  bays  by  swim 
ming,  and  we  being  entirely  without  provisions  or  the 
means  of  carrying  any,  we  yielded  obedience  to  what 
necessity  required,  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  place  where 
we  were.  We  also  agreed  that  four  men  of  the  most 
robust  should  go  on  to  Panunco,  which  we  believed  to 
be  near,  and  if,  by  Divine  favor,  they  should  reach  there, 
they  could  give  information  of  our  remaining  on  that 
island,  and  of  our  sorrows  and  destitution.  These  men 
were  excellent  swimmers.  One  of  them  was  Alvaro  Fer 
nandez,  a  Portuguese  sailor  and  carpenter,  the  second 
was  named  Mendez,  the  third  Figueroa,  who  was  a  native 
of  Toledo,  and  the  fourth  Astudillo,  a  native  of  Qafra. 
They  took  with  them  an  Indian  of  the  island  of  Auia.2 

1  The  Letter  says  the  boat  of  the  Treasurer,  and  this  evidently  is 
correct. 

2  The  last  two  words  of  the  sentence  are  dropped  in  the  second 
edition.    HERRERA  says,  "  an  Indian  of  the  island  of  Cuba."     We 
infer  the  name  to  be  the  Indian  one  of  Malhado,  though  there  was 
another  island  situated  back  of  it  according  to  the  Letter.    ANTONIE 
GALVANO  writes  that  the  Island  was  called  Xamo,  but  he  does  not 
state  the  source  of  his  information.     As  he  was  a  wide  traveler  and 
may  have  been  in  Spain,  very  probably  it  was  Nunez  himself. 

10 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  DEPARTURE  OF  FOUR  CHRISTIANS. 

The  four  Christians  being  gone,  after  a  few  days 
such  cold  and  tempestuous  weather  succeeded  that  the 
Indians  could  not  pull  up  roots,1  the  cane  wears  in  which 
they  took  fish  no  longer  yielded  any  thing,  and  the 
houses  being  very  open,  our  people  began  to  die. 
Five  Christians,  of  a  mess  on  the  coast,  came  to  such 
extremity  that  they  ate  their  dead;  the  body  of  the 
last  one  only  was  found  unconsumed.  Their  names 
were  Sierra,  Diego  Lopez,  Corral,  Palacios  and  Gon- 
$alo  Ruiz.  This  produced  great  commotion  among 
the  Indians,  giving  rise  to  so  much  censure  that  had 
they  known  it  in  season  to  have  done  so,  doubtless 
they  would  have  destroyed  any  survivor,  and  we 
should  have  found  ourselves  in  the  utmost  perplexity. 
Finally,  of  eighty  men  who  arrived  in  the  two  in 
stances,  fifteen  only  remained  alive. 

After  this,  the  natives  were  visited  by  a  disease  of 
the  bowels,  of  which  half  their  number  died.  They 
conceived  that  we  had  destroyed  them,  and  believing 
it  firmly,  they  concerted  among  themselves  to  dispatch 
those  of  us  who  survived.  When  they  were  about  to 
execute  their  purpose,  an  Indian  who  had  charge  of 
me,  told  them  not  to  believe  we  were  the  cause  of 


KELATION  OP  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VAC  A.     75 

those  deaths,  since  if  we  had  such  power  we  should 
also  have  averted  the  fatality  from  so  many  of  our 
people,  whom  they  had  seen  die  without  our  being 
able  to  minister  relief;  already  very  few  of  us  remain 
ing,  and  none  doing  hurt  or  wrong,  and  that  it  would 
be  better  to  leave  us  unharmed.  God  our  Lord  willed 
that  the  others  should  heed  this  opinion  and  counsel, 
and  be  hindered  in  their  design. 

To  this  island  we  gave  the  name  Malhado.2  The 
people  we  found  there  are  large  and  well  formed: 
they  have  no  other  arms  than  bows  and  arrows,  in  the 
use  of  which  they  are  very  dexterous.  The  men  have 
one  of  their  nipples  bored  from  side  to  side,  and  some 
have  both,  wearing  a  cane  in  each,  the  length  of  two 
palms  and  a  half,  and  the  thickness  of  two  fingers. 
They  have  the  under  lip  also  bored,  and  wear  in  it  a 
piece  of  cane  the  breadth  of  half  a  finger.3  Their 
women  are  accustomed  to  great  toil.  The  stay  they 
make  on  the  island  is  from  October  to  the  end  of  Feb 
ruary.  Their  subsistence  then  is  the  root  I  have 
spoken  of,  got  from  under  the  water  in  November  and 
December.  They  have  wears  of  cane  and  take  fish 
only  in  this  season ;  afterwards  they  live  on  the  roots. 
At  the  end  of  February,  they  go  into  other  parts  to 
seek  food;  for  then  the  root  is  beginning  to  grow 
and  is  not  good. 

Those  people  love  their  offspring  the  most  of  any 
in  the  world,  and  treat  them  with  the  greatest  mild 
ness.  When  it  occurs  that  a  son  dies,  the  parents  and 
kindred  weep  as  does  every  body;  the  wailing  continu- 


76  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

ing  for  him  a  whole  year.  They  begin  before  dawn 
every  day,  the  parents  first  and  after  them  the  whole 
town.  They  do  the  same  at  noon  and  at  sunset.4 
After  a  year  of  mourning  has  passed,  the  rites  of  the 
dead  are  performed ;  then  they  wash  and  purify  them 
selves  from  the  stain  of  smoke.  They  lament  all  the 
deceased  in  this  manner,  except  the  aged,  for  whom 
they  show  no  regret,  as  they  say  that  their  season  has 
passed,  they  having  no  enjoyment,  and  that  living 
they  would  occupy  the  earth  and  take  aliment  from 
the  young.  Their  custom  is  to  bury  the  dead,  unless 
it  be  those  among  them  who  have  been  physicians. 
These  they  burn.  While  the  fire  kindles  they  are  all 
dancing  and  making  high  festivity,  until  the  bones 
become  powder.  After  the  lapse  of  a  year  the  funeral 
honors  are  celebrated,  every  one  taking  part  in  them, 
when  that  dust  is  presented  in  water  for  the  relatives 
to  drink. 

Every  man  has  an  acknowledged  wife.  The  physi 
cians  are  allowed  more  freedom :  they  may  have  two 
or  three  wives,  among  whom  exist  the  greatest  friend 
ship  and  harmony.  From  the  time  a  daughter  mar 
ries,  all  that  he  who  takes  her  to  wive  kills  in  hunting 
or  catches  in  fishing,  the  woman  brings  to  the  house 
of  her  father,  without  daring  to  eat  or  take  any  part 
of  it,  and  thence  victuals  are  taken  to  the  husband. 
From  that  time  neither  her  father  nor  mother  enter 
his  house,  nor  can  he  enter  theirs,  nor  the  houses  of 
their  children ;  and  if  by  chance  they  are  in  the  direc 
tion  of  meeting,  they  turn  aside,  and  pass  the  distance 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  77 

of  a  crossbow  shot  from  each  other,  carrying  the  head 
low  the  while,  the  eyes  cast  on  the  ground ;  for  they 
hold  it  improper  to  see  or  to  speak  to  each  other. 
But  the  woman  has  liberty  to  converse  and  communi 
cate  with  the  parents  and  relatives  of  her  husband.  The 
custom  exists  from  this  island  the  distance  of  more  than 
fifty  leagues  inland.5 

There  is  another  custom,  which  is,  when  a  son  or 
brother  dies,  at  the  house  where  the  death  takes  place, 
they  do  not  go  after  food  for  three  months,  but  sooner 
famish,  their  relatives  and  neighbors  providing  what 
they  eat.  As  in  the  time  we  were  there  a  great 
number  of  the  natives  died,  in  most  houses  there  was 
very  great  hunger,  because  of  the  keeping  of  this 
their  custom  and  observance ;  for  although  they  who 
sought  after  food  worked  hard,  yet  from  the  severity 
of  the  season  they  could  get  but  little ;  in  consequence, 
the  Indians  who  kept  me,  left  the  island,  and  passed 
over  in  canoes  to  the  main,  into  some  bays  where  are 
many  oysters.  For  three  months  in  the  year  they  eat 
nothing  besides  these,  and  drink  very  bad  water.  There 
is  great  want  of  wood  :  mosquitos  are  in  great  plenty.6 
The  houses  are  of  mats,  set  up  on  masses  of  oyster 
shells,  which  they  sleep  upon,  and  in  skins,  should  they 
accidentally  possess  them.  In  this  way  we  lived  until 
April,*  when  we  went  to  the  sea  shore,  where  we  ate 
blackberries  all  the  month,7  during  which  time  the  In 
dians  did  not  omit  to  observe  their  areitos 8  and  festivities. 

*  April  1.  1529 


78  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

'As  illustrative  of  the  neat  and  skillful  manner  in  which  the  na 
tives  made  wears  on  the  coasts,  see  the  engravings  in  DE  BRY'S  Voy 
ages  and  Discoveries,  Part  I,  plate  xiii,  and  Part  II,  plate  iii. 

8  Ill-luck,  or  misfortune. 

3  RIBAS,  a  missionary  in  Cinaloa  about  the  opening  of  the  second 
quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century,  states  that  the  Acaxee,  an  agri 
cultural  people  living  in  the  mountains  of  Topia,  were  eaters  of  hu 
man  flesh.  Their  residences  of  adobe  were  usually  on  eminences  of 
difficult  ascent  and  in  sheltered  situations.  They  would  seek  an 
enemy  as  they  would  hunt  a  deer  for  his  flesh.  When  one  killed  a 
fellow  man  for  the  first  time,  he  was  presented  with  the  first  dish  of 
the  food ;  and  if  he  had  not  already  a  hole  under  his  nether  lip  from 
boyhood,  made  by  his  mother,  one  would  be  opened  in  which  a  little 
bone  of  the  person  killed  would  be  fitted,  to  distinguish  him  ever 
after  as  a  brave  among  his  nation,  p.  473. 

If  to  wear  a  trophy  should  be  considered  the  probable  original  pur 
pose  of  this  incision,  the  Mexicans,  in  advancing  to  a  state  of  compa 
rative  civilization,  appear  to  have  substituted  a  dirk  of  jade  or  other 
stone,  for  ornament  instead.  Padre  DUKAN,  who  wrote  in  the  six 
teenth  century  speaks  of  it,  and  once  in  this  manner  in  giving  account 
of  the  ceremonies  attending  the  choice  of  a  new  incumbent  for  the 
throne  of  Mexico.  A  ball  took  place  attended  in  court  suit  by  the 
kings  and  nobles  of  the  country. 

"  When  they  were  all  engaged  in  the  slow  and  solemn  dance,  Auit- 
zotl  came  forth  wearing  a  crown  of  gold  set  with  gems,  and  having 
rich  plumes  and  golden  pendants.  In  his  ears  were  green  stones, 
round  and  very  bright  in  gold.  A  fine  emerald  was  in  his  mouth, 
and  another  green  stone,  highly  transparent  traversed  the  nose,  in 
each  end  of  which  was  a  tuft  of  small  blue  feathers,  the  colors 
giving  agreeable  and  changing  shades.  He  wore  bracelets " 

In  a  note,  Sr.  Don  Jose  F.  Ramirez  describes  the  fashion  of  the  lip- 
stones,  found  in  the  ancient  tombs  of  the  country,  which  the  Span 
iards  call  bezote,  from  bezo  the  ancient  word  for  lip,  and  the  Mexicans 
tentetl,  from  tentli  lip,  and  tetl  stone.  It  is  half  an  inch  in  diameter,  and 
in  shape  a  hat,  the  smaller  end  projecting,  and  that  with  the  brim 
being  on  the  inside  of  the  mouth  to  keep  it  in  place.  Histona  de  las 
Indias  de  Nueva  Espafla  y  Yslas  de  Tierra  Firme,  pp.  154,  319. 

*  ROMANS  speaks  of  such  a  custom  among  the  Chicasas  : 

" the  nearest  relatives  mourn  over  it "  — the  body — "  with  awful 

lamentations  ;  the  women  are  very  vociferous  in  it ;  but  the  men  do 
it  in  silence,  taking  great  care  not  to  be  seen  any  more  than  heard,  at 
this  business ;  the  mourning  continues  about  a  year,  which  they 


CABECA  DE  VAC A.  79 

know  by  counting  the  moons ;  every  morning  and  evening,  and,  at 
first  throughout  the  day,  they  are  at  different  times  employed  in  the 
exercise  of  this  last  duty." — A  Concise  Natural  History  of  East  and 
West  Florida,  p.  71. 

5  Pitchlynn  says,  that  these  and  other  passages  contain  a  better  ac 
count  of  what  are  the  customs  of  the  Indian  than  the  white  man  can 
give  now.     Among  the  Chatas,  after  marriage  the  mother  and  son-in- 
law  speak  not  to  each  other,  except  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity,  and 
then  with  their  heads  bowed  and  faces  covered.     This  conduct  is 
maintained  through  life,  although  their  houses  should  be  in  the  same 
yard,  or  they  should  live  in  adjoining  rooms,  as  happens,  since  it  is 
usual  that  the  daughter  remains  with  the  mother  until  she  have  her 
first  offspring,  and  it  is  old  enough  to  run  about.     Custom  equally 
separates  him  from  her  aunts  and  grandmother.     When  they  are  in 
the  way  of  meeting,  one  will  stop  until  the  other  passes,  or  they  will 
go  round,  turning  away  the  face.     Still,  however,  the  son-in-law  is 
the  constant  subject  of  conversation  with  the  mother,  and  through 
every  circumstance  of  life  she  is  very  solicitous  for  his  welfare  and 
holds  him  in  the  highest  respect.     They  are  each  to  the  other,  "  too 
sacred  to  be  spoken  to."    It  is  the  Indian  idea  that  he  is  to  increase 
her  line  and  not  his  own. 

6  The  natives  eat  oysters  for  three  or  four  months  in  the  year,  with 
out  any  other  thing,  at  a  time  they  experience  hunger,  and  continual 
exertion  day  and  night  to  protect  themselves  from  mosquitos  which 
are  in  such  numbers  as  to  render  the  endurance  of  them  scarcely 
supportable.     Brackish  water  only  is  to  be  got,  and  no  wood.     In 
other  four  months  of  the  year,  they  eat  blackberries  and  the  green 
things  growing  wild ;  for  two  other  months,  they  suck  certain  roots, 
and  eat  lizards,  snakes,  rats,  and  great  spiders  ;  and  for  the  other  two 
months,  they  li ve  on  fish.    They  go  after  another  root,  like  the  ground 
truffle,  got  in  water.     At  times  there  are  deer,  which  they  kill  from 
canoes.     The  people  are  very  comely  ;  the  women  undergo  excessive 
hard  labor." — Letter. 

7  LOPE  HURTADO  thus  wrote  to  Charles  V.  from  Santiago  in  Cuba 
on  the  20th  of  the  ensuing  month  of  May  1529  :     "  A  caravel  has  ar 
rived  here  from  searching  after  Narvaez  and  brings  eight  Indians  from 
the  coast.    They  state  by  signs  that  he  is  inland  with  his  men,  who  do 
little  else  than  eat,  drink  and  sleep." — MS. 

*  AREYTE,  the  Yucayo  word  for  the  mystic  dancing  and  singing  of 
Indians,  which  corresponds  to  the  Mexican  mitote. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WHAT  BEFEL  US  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MALHADO. 

On  an  Island  of  which  I  have  spoken,  they  wished 
to  make  us  physicians  without  examination  or  inquir 
ing  for  diplomas.  They  cure  by  blowing  upon  the 
sick,  and  with  that  breath  and  the  imposing  of  hands 
they  cast  out  infirmity.  They  ordered  that  we  also 
should  do  this,  and  be  of  use  to  them  in  some  way. 
"We  laughed  at  what  they  did,  telling  them  it  was 
folly,  that  we  knew  not  how  to  heal.  In  consequence, 
they  withheld  food  from  us  until  we  should  practice 
what  they  required.  Seeing  our  persistence,  an  Indian 
told  me  I  knew  not  what  J  uttered,  in  saying  that 
what  he  knew  availed  nothing ;  for  stones  and  other 
matters  growing  about  in  the  fields,  have  virtue,  and 
that  passing  a  pebble  along  the  stomach  would  take 
away  pain  and  restore  health,  and  certainly  then  we 
who  were  extraordinary  men  must  possess  power  and 
efficacy  over  all  other  things.  At  last,  finding  our 
selves  in  great  want  we  were  constrained  to  obey ;  but 
without  fear  lest  we  should  be  blamed  for  any  failure 
or  success. 

Their  custom  is,  on  finding  themselves  sick  to  send 
for  a  physician,  and  after  he  has  applied  the  cure,  they 
give  him  not  only  all  they  have,  but  seek  among  their 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA.  gl 

relatives  for  more  to  give.  The-  practitioner  scarifies 
over  the  seat  of  pain,  and  then  sucks  about  the  wound. 
They  make  cauteries  with  fire,  a  remedy  among  them 
in  high  repute,  which  I  have  tried  on  myself  and  found 
benefit  from  it.  They  afterwards  blow  on  the  spot, 
and  having  finished,  the  patient  considers  that  he  is 
relieved.1 

Our  method  was  to  bless  the  sick,  breathing  upon 
them,  and  recite  a  Pater-noster  and  an  Ave-Maria,  pray 
ing  with  all  earnestness  to  God  our  Lord  that  he  would 
give  health  and  influence  them  to  make  us  some  good 
return.  In  his  clemency  he  willed  that  all  those  for 
whom  we  supplicated,  should  tell  the  others  that  they 
were  sound  and  in  health,  directly  after  we  made  the 
sign  of  the  blessed  cross  over  them.  For  this  the 
Indians  treated  us  kindly;  they  deprived  themselves 
of  food  that  they  might  give  to  us,  and  presented  us 
with  skins  and  some  trifles. 

So  protracted  was  the  hunger  we  there  experienced, 
that  many  times  I  was  three  days  without  eating.  The 
natives  also  endured  as  much  ;  and  it  appeared  to  me 
a  thing  impossible  that  life  could  be  so  prolonged, 
although  afterwards  I  found  myself  in  greater  hunger 
and  necessity,  which  I  shall  speak  of  farther  on. 

The  Indians  who  had  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  Andres 
Dorantes,  and  the  others  that  remained  alive,  were  of 
a  different  tongue  and  ancestry  from  these,  and  went 
to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  main  to  eat  oysters,  where 
they  staid  until  the  first  day  of  April,  when  they  re 
turned.  The  distance  is  two  leagues  in  the  widest 
11 


g2  1.  ELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

part.     The  island  is  half  a  league  in  breadth  and  five 
leagues  in  length. 

The  inhabitants  of  all  this  region  go  naked.  The 
women  alone  have  any  part  of  their  persons  covered, 
and  it  is  with  a  wool  that  grows  on  trees.2  The 
damsels  dress  themselves  in  deerskin.  The  people  are 
generous  to  each  other  of  what  they  possess;  They 
have  no  chief.  All  that  are  of  .a  lineage  keep  together. 
They  speak  two  languages ;  those  of  one  are  called 
Capoques,  those  of  the  other,  Han.  They  have  a  cus 
tom  when  they  meet,  or  from  time  to  time  when  they 
visit,  of  remaining  half  an  hour  before  they  speak, 
weeping ;  and,  this  over,  he  that  is  visited  first  rises 
and  gives  the  other  all  he  has,  which  is  received,  and 
after  a  little  while  he  carries  it  away,  and  often  goes 
without  saying  a  word.  They  have  other  strange 
customs ;  but  I  have  told  the  principal  of  them,  and 
the  most  remarkable,  that  I  may  pass  on  and  further 
relate  what  befel  us. 


JNo  doubt  the  Indian  juggler  has  had  knowledge  of  animal  mag 
netism  and  the  force  (if  it  be  not  the  same)  applied  in  social  enter 
tainments  now  a  days  to  table-tipping.  Their  practice  of  healing  was 
early  and  carefully  observed  in  the  Jesuit  Mission  of  Sonora.  RIBAS 
about  a  century  after  the  passage  of  Cabeca  de  Vaca,  with  whose  re 
lation  he  was  acquainted,  gives  account  of  the  art  in  substance  as 
follows : 

"  The  method  of  cure  the  possessed  practitioners  have,  is  sucking 
the  part  that  aches  if  it  be  injured,  blowing  on  it ;  which  for  the 
effort  and  force,  may  be  heard  many  steps  off.  The  process  is  so  sur 
rounded  by  superstition  and  fancy,  we  do  not  feel  assured  that  it  is 
entirely  free  from  deceit  and  covenant  with  the  Devil.  They  give 
the  sick  to  understand  that  the  causes  of  their  illness  are  the  sticks, 
thorns  and  pebbles  in  their  bodies  which  they  take  out.  This  is  false. 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  33 

They  have  the  things  in  the  mouth  or  held  craftily  in  the  hand,  and 
afterwards  exhibit  them  as  our  tooth-pullers  do  teeth,  on  a  string,  as 
evidences  of  their  professional  skill.  Their  manner  of  'healing  arrow 
wounds  is  by  sucking  them  and  instantly  spitting  out  the  poison,  the 
sound  tongue  receiving  no  serious  injury,  nor  is  the  poison  mortal 
unless  it  become  incorporated  with  the  blood.  The  remedy  is  so 
good  a  one  that  generally  in  making  use  of  it  they  are  accustomed 
to  work  entirely  outside  of  their  pact  with  the  evil  one." 

a  The  moss  Tillandsia  usneoides,  was  everywhere  the  covering  of 
the  matrons  where  it  grew  in  the  south.  Landoniere  and  Hawkins 
found  them  dressed  in  it  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Florida  soon  after  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  Le  Moyne  so  repre'sented  them 
in  pictures  of  that  age  from  his  own  observation.  Escalante  Fonta- 
neda,  a  little- later,  during  a  long  captivity  among  the  fierce  barbarians 
at  the  capes  of  Florida,  found  the  female  there  removed  only  by  the 
same  rural  dress,  from  a  state  of  nature. 


CHAPTEK  XVI. 

THE  CHRISTIANS  LEAVE  THE  ISLAND  OF  MALHADO. 

After  Dorantes  and  Castillo  returned  to  the  Island, 
they  brought  together  the  Christians,  who  were  some 
what  separated,  and  found  them  in  all  to  be  fourteen. 
As  I  have  said,  I  was  opposite  on  the  main,  where  my 
Indians  had  taken  me,  and  where  so  great  sickness 
had  come  upon  me,  that  if  anything  before  had  given 
me  hopes  of  life,  this  were  enough  to  have  entirely 
bereft  me  of  them. 

"When  the  Christians  heard  of  my  condition,  they 
gave  an  Indian  the  cloak  of  marten  skins  we  had  taken 
from  the  cacique,  as  before  related,  to  pass  them  over  to 
where  I  was  that  they  might  visit  me.  Twelve  of  them 
crossed;  for  two  were  so  feeble  that  their  comrades 
could  not  venture  to  bring  them.  The  names  of  those 
who  came  were  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  Andres  Dorantes, 
Diego  Dorantes,  Valdevieso,  Estrada,  Tostado,  Chaves, 
Gutierrez,  Asturiano  a  clergyman,  Diego  de  Huelva, 
Estevarico  a  black,  and  Benitez;  and  when  they 
reached  the  main  land,  they  found  another,  who  was 
one  of  our  company,  named  Francisco  de  Leon.  The 
thirteen  together  followed  along  the  coast.  So  soon 
as  they  had  come  over,  my  Indians  informed  me  of  it, 
and  that  Hieronymo  de  Alvaniz  and  Lope  de  Oviedo 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA.    §5 

remained  on  the  island.  But  sickness  prevented  me 
from  going  with  my  companions  or  even  seeing  them. 

I  was  obliged  to  remain  with  the  people  belonging 
to  the  island  more  than  a  year,  and  because  of  the 
hard  work  they  put  upon  me  and  the  harsh  treatment, 
I  resolved  to  flee  from  them  and  go  to  those  of  Charruco, 
who  inhabit  the  forests  and  country  of  the  main,  the 
life  I  led  being  insupportable.  Besides  much  other 
labor,  I  had  to  get  out  roots  from  below  the  water, 
and  from  among  the  cane  where  they  grew  in  the 
ground.  From  this  employment  I  had  my  fingers  so 
worn  that  did  a  straw  but  touch  them  they  would 
bleed.  Many  of  the  canes  are  broken,  so  they  often 
tore  my  flesh,  and  I  had  to  go  in  the  midst  of  them 
with  only  the  clothing  on  I  have  mentioned. 

Accordingly,  I  put  myself  to  contriving  how  I  might 
get  over  to  the  other  Indians,  among  whom  matters 
turned  somewhat  more  favorably  for  me.  I  set  to 
trafficing,  and  strove  to  make  my  employment  profit 
able  in  the  ways  I  could  best  contrive,  and  by  that  means 
I  got  food  and  good  treatment.  The  Indians  would 
beg  me  to  go  from  one  quarter  to  another  for  things  of 
which  they  have  need ;  for  in  consequence  of  incessant 
hostilities,  they  cannot  traverse  the  country,  nor  make 
many  exchanges.  With  my  merchandise  and  trade 
I  went  into  the  interior  as  far  as  I  pleased,  and  traveled 
along  the  coast  forty  or  fifty  leagues.  The  principal 
wares  were  cones  and  other  pieces  of  sea-snail,  conches 
used  for  cutting,  and  fruit  like  a  bean,  of  the  highest 
value  among  them,  which  they  use  as  a  medicine 


86  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

and  employ  in  their  dances  and  festivities.  Among 
other  matters  were  sea-beads.  Such  were  what  I  car 
ried  into  the  interior;  and  in  barter  I  got  and 
brought  back  skins,  ochre  with  which  they  rub  and 
color  the  face,  hard  canes  of  which  to  make  arrows, 
sinews,  cement  and  flint  for  the  heads,  and  tassels  of 
the  hair  of  deer  that  by  dyeing  they  make  red.  This 
occupation  suited  me  well ;  for  the  travel  allowed  me 
liberty  to  go  where  I  wished,  I  was  not  obliged  to 
work,  and  was  not  a  slave.  Wherever  I  went  I  re 
ceived  fair  treatment,  and  the  Indians  gave  me  to  eat 
out  of  regard  to  my  commodities.  My  leading  object, 
while  journeying  in  this  business,  was  to  find  out  the 
way  by  which  I  should  go  forward,  and  I  became  well 
known.  The  inhabitants  were  pleased  when  they  saw 
me,  and  I  had  brought  them  what  they  wanted ;  and 
those  who  did  not  know  me  sought  and  desired  the 
acquaintance,  for  my  reputation.  The  hardships  that 
I  underwent  in  this  were  long  to  tell,  as  well  of  peril 
and  privation  as  of  storms  and  cold.  Oftentimes  they 
overtook  me  alone  and  in  the  wilderness ;  but  I  came 
forth  from  them  all  by  the  great  mercy  of  God,  our 
Lord.  Because  of  them  I  avoided  pursuing  the  busi 
ness  in  winter,  a  season  in  which  the  natives  them 
selves  retire  to  their  huts  and  ranches,  torpid  and 
incapable  of  exertion. 

I  was  in  this  country  nearly  six  years,1  alone  among 
the  Indians,  and  naked  like  them.  The  reason  why 
I  remained  so  long,  was  that  I  might  take  with  me 
the  Christian,  Lope  de  Oviedo,  from  the  island; 


CABE^A  DE  VACA.  §7 

Alaniz,  his  companion,  who  had  been  left  with  him 
by  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  Andres  Dorantes  and  the  rest, 
died  soon  after  their  departure ;  and  to  get  the  survivor 
out  from  there,  I  went  over  to  the  island  every  year, 
and  entreated  him  that  we  should  go,  in  the  best  way 
we  could  contrive,  in  quest  of  Christians.  He  put  me 
off  every  year,  saying  in  the  next  coming  we  would  V 
start.  At  last  I  got  him  off,  crossing  him  over  the 
bay,  and  over  four  rivers  in  the  coast,  as  he  could  not 
swim.  In  this  way  we  went  on  with  some  Indians, 
until  coming  to  a  bay  a  league  in  width,  and  every 
where  deep.  From  the  appearance  we  supposed  it  to 
be  that  which  is  called  Espiritu  Sancto.2  We  met  some 
Indians  on  the  other  side  of  it,  coming  to  visit  ours, 
who  told  us  that  beyond  them  were  three  men  like  us, 
and  gave  their  names.  We  asked  for  the  others,  and 
were  told  that  they  were  all  dead  of  cold  and  hunger ; 
that  the  Indians  farther  on,  of  whom  they  were,  for 
their  diversion  had  killed  Diego  Dorantes,  Yaldevieso, 
and  Diego  de  Huelva,  because  they  left  one  house  for 
another ;  and  that  other  Indians,  their  neighbors  with 
whom  Captain  Dorantes  now  was,  had  in  consequence 
of  a  dream,  killed  Esquivel  and  Mendez.3  We  asked 
how  the  living  were  situated,  and  they  answered  that 
they  were  very  ill  used,  the  boys  and  some  of  the 
Indian  men  being  very  idle,  out  of  cruelty  gave  them 
many  kicks,  cuffs  and  blows  with  sticks ;  that  such  was 
the  life  they  led. 

We  desired  to  be  informed  of  the  country  ahead, 
and  of  the  subsistence :  they  said  there  was  nothing  to 


88  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

eat,  and  that  it  was  thin  of  people,  who  suffered  of 
cold,  having  no  skins  or  other  things  to  cover  them. 
They  told  us  also  if  we  wished  to  see  those  three 
Christians,  two  days  from  that  time  the  Indians  who 
had  them  would  come  to  eat  walnuts  a  league  from 
there  on  the  margin  of  that  river ;  and  that  we  might 
know  what  they  told  us  of  the  ill  usage  to  be  true, 
they  slapped  my  companion  and  beat  him  with  a  stick, 
and  I  was  not  left  without  my  portion.  Many  times 
they  threw  lumps  of  mud  at  us,  and  every  day  they 
put  their  arrows  to  our  hearts,  saying  that  they  were 
inclined  to  kill  us  in  the  way  that  they  had  destroyed 
our  friends.  Lope  Oviedo,  my  comrade,  in  fear  said 
that  he  wished  to  go  back  with  the  women  of  those 
who  had  crossed  the  bay  with  us,  the  men  having 
remained  some  distance  behind.  I  contended  strongly 
against  his  returning,  and  urged  my  objections;  but 
in  no  way  could  I  keep  him.  So  he  went  back,  and  I 
remained  alone  with  those  savages.  They  are  called 
Quevenes,  and  those  with  whom  he  returned,  Dea- 
guanes. 

1  From  the  year  1528  to  1533. 

2  These,  and  other  words  of  like  import  in  BIEDMA,  perhaps  refer 
to  discoveries  made  in  the  first  voyage  of  Pineda,  who  ran  the  north 
ern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  for  Qaray  in  the  year  1519.     That 
Alvar  Nunez  was  informed  of  the  extent  of  northern  explorations 
may  be  supposed  from  a  document  existing  of  record,  from  the  King, 
directing  him  to  apply  to  the  officers  of  the  Contratacion  in  Se villa 
"  of  whom,  outside  of  this  instruction,  you  will  ask  a  relation  of  the 
notices  that  shall  appear  to  them  you  ought  to  have  knowledge  of, 
and  to  possess  touching  the  matters  of  that  country." 

In  the  Letter,  of  which  two  sections  accompany  the  two  next  chap 
ters  to  elucidate  the  text,  some  great  sand-hills  are  mentioned  as 


CABECA  DE  VACA.  gg 

betokening  the  position  of  Espiritu  Santo  ;  and  it  will  appear  that 
there  was  a  river  likewise  of  the  same  name  not  distant  from  the 
bay.  This  is  an  extract  from  the  Report  of  the  United  States  Coast 
Surveyor,  year  1859,  p.  325. 

"  The  north-west  shore,"  of  the  bay  of  San  Antonis  (which  is  the 
northern  bend  of  the  Espiritu  Santo  bay),  "  is  the  delta  of  the  Gua- 
dalupe,  a  low  alluvial  formation,  scarcely  raised  above  the  level  of  the 
adjacent  waters,  and  covered  with  a  dense  growth  of  cane-grass,  jun 
gle  and  forest  trees.  On  the  west  shore  the  elevated  prairie  also 
comes  to  the  bay  in  a  bluff  or  bank  of  twenty  feet,  and  is  likewise 
dotted  over  with  the  houses  of  settlers,  and  with  oak  or  hackberry 
trees.  The  soil  is  fertile,  the  range  for  stock  excellent,  and  the  lo 
cality  is  said  to  be  very  healthy.  At  one  place  on  this  side  a  singular 
range  of  sand-hills,  known  as  the  Sand  mounds,  approaches  the 
shore.  The  highest  peak  is  about  seventy-five  feet  above  the  bay. 
The  mounds  are  covered  with  bushes  and  the  valleys  between  them 
filled  with  trees,  so  that  at  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles,  the  whole 
presents  the  appearance  of  a  forest  of  live  oak  or  similar  timber, 
forming  a  marked  feature  in  that  otherwise  level  prairie  region." 

Should  this  point  on  the  shores  of  Texas  be  recognized  as  the  one  to 
which  the  remnant  of  adventurers  have  now  arrived,  the  highest  peak 
of  Sand  mounds  in  latitude  28°  16'  34"  08  North,  in  longitude  96°  47' 
39"  83  West,  we  may  look  with  some  confidence  over  the  north  eastern 
portion  of  the  bay,  as  far  as  the  entrance  upon  the  bay  of  Matagorda, 
in  latitude  28°  24'  06"  95  North,  longitude  96°  23'  50"  56  West,  the 
distance  in  a  direct  line  of  twenty-five  statute  miles,  for  the  discovery 
of  Malhado.  There  is,  however,  no  island  in  this  direction  that  ap 
pears  to  answer  its  description,  nor  any  place  with  the  conditions  for 
the  point  that  the  Sand  mounds  unite.  To  the  south  are  no  hills 
on  the  shore  of  a  bay  near  a  river,  nor  any  of  particular  mark  or 
height  as  far  as  where  the  river  Bravo  or  Grand  del  Norte  finds  outlet. 

3  Mendez  was  one  of  the  number  who  had  been  sent  to  Panuco. 
Esquivel  had  belonged  to  the  boat  of  Alonzo  Enrriquez  the  Comp 
troller. 


12 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  COMING  OF  INDIANS  WITH  ANDRES  DORANTES,  CAS 
TILLO,  AND  ESTEVANICO. 

Two  days  after  Lope  de  Oviedo  left,  the  Indians, 
who  had  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  Andr6s  Donates, 
came  to  the  place  of  which*  we  had  been  told,  to  eat 
walnuts.  These  are  ground  with  a  kind  of  small 
grain,  and  this  is  the  subsistence  of  the  people  two 
months  in  the  year  without  any  other  thing ;  but  even 
the  nuts  they  do  not  have  every  season,  as  the  tree 
produces  in  alternate  years.  The  fruit  is  the  size  of 
that  in  Galicia ;  the  trees  are  very  large  and  numerous. 

An  Indian  told  me  of  the  arrival  of  the  Christians, 
and  that  if  I  wished  to  see  them  I  must  steal  away 
and  flee  to  the  point  of  a  wood  to  which  he  directed 
me,  and  that  as  he  and  others,  kindred  of  his,  should 
pass  by  there  to  visit  those  Indians,  they  would  take 
me  with  them  to  the  spot  where  the  Christians  were. 
I  determined  to  attempt  this  and  trust  to  them,  as  they 
spoke  a  language  distinct  from  that  of  the  others.  I 
did  so,  and  the  next  day  they  left,  and  found  me  in 
the  place  that  had  been  pointed  out,  and  accordingly 
took  me  with  them. 

When  I  arrived  near  their  abode,  Andres  Dorantes 
came  out  to  see  who  it  could  be,  for  the  Indians  had 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEgA  DE  VACA.       9^ 

told  him  that  a  Christian  was  coming.  His  astonish 
ment  was  great  when  he  saw  me,  as  they  had  for 
many  a  day  considered  me  dead,  and  the  natives  had 
said  that  I  was.  We  gave  many  thanks  at  seeing  our 
selves  together,  and  this  was  a  day  to  us  of  the  greatest 
pleasure  we  had  enjoyed  in  life.  Having  come  to 
where  Castillo  was,  they  inquired  of  me  where  I  was 
going?  I  told  them  my  purpose  was  to  reach  the 
land  of  Christians,  I  being  then  in  search  and  pursuit  of 
it.  Andres  Dorantes  said  that  for  a  long  time  he  had 
entreated  Castillo  and  Estevanico  to  go  forward ;  but 
that  they  dared  not  venture,  because  they  knew  not 
how  to  swim,  and  greatly  dreaded  the  rivers  and  bays 
they  should  have  to  cross,  there  being  many  in  that 
country.  Thus  the  Almighty  had  been  pleased  to 
preserve  me  through  many  trials  and  diseases,  conduct 
ing  me  in  the  end  to  the  fellowship  of  those  who  had 
abandoned  me,  that  I  might  lead  them  over  the  bays 
and  rivers  that  obstructed  our  progress.  They  advised 
me  on  no  account  to  let  the  natives  know  or  have  a 
suspicion  of  my  desire  to  go  on,  else  they  would 
destroy  me ;  and  that  for  success  it  would  be  neces 
sary  for  me  to  remain  quiet  until  the  end  of  six  months, 
when  comes  the  season  in  which  these  Indians  go  to 
another  part  of  the  country  to  eat  prickly  pears.  People 
would  arrive  from  parts  farther  on,  bringing  bows  to 
barter  and  for  exchange,  with  whom,  after  making 
our  escape,  we  should  be  able  to  go  on  their  return. 
Having  consented  to  this  course,  I  remained.  The 
prickly  pear  is  the  size  of  a  hen's  egg,  vermilion  and 


92  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

black  in  color,  and  of  agreeable  flavor.  The  natives 
live  on  it  three  months  in  the  year,  having  nothing 
beside. 

I  was  given  as  a  slave  to  an  Indian,  with  whom  was 
Dorantes.  He  was  blind  of  one  eye,  as  were  also  his 
wife  and  sons,  and  likewise  another  who  was  with 
him ;  so  that  of  a  fashion  they  were  all  blind.1  These 
are  called  Marians ;  Castillo  was  with  another  neigh 
boring  people,  called  Yguases. 

While  here  the  Christians  related  to  me  how  they 
had  left  the  island  of  Malhado,  and  found  the  boat  in 
which  the  Comptroller  and  the  friars  had  sailed,  bottom 
up  on  the  sea  shore ;  and  that  going  along  crossing  the 
rivers,  which  are  four,  very  large  and  of  rapid  current, 
their  boats  were  swept  away  and  carried  to  sea,  where 
four  of  their  number  were  drowned ;  that  thus  they 
proceeded  until  they  crossed  the  bay,  getting  over  it 
with  great  difficulty,  -and  fifteen  leagues  thence  they 
came  to  another.  By  the  time  they  reached  this,  they 
had  lost  two  companions  in  the  sixty  leagues  they 
traveled,  and  those  remaining  were  nearly  dead,  in  all 
the  while  having  eaten  nothing  but  crabs  and  rock- 
weed.  Arrived  at  this  bay,  they  found  Indians  eating 
mulberries,  who,  when  they  saw  them,  went  to  a  cape 
opposite.  While  contriving  and  seeking  for  some 
means  to  cross  the  bay,  there  came  over  to  them  an 
Indian 2  and  a  Christian,  whom  they  recognized  to  be 
Figueroa,  one  of  the  four  we  had  sent  forward  from 
the  Island  of  Malhado.  He  there  recounted  how  he 
and  his  companions  had  got  as  far  as  that  place,  when 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  93 

t\vo  of  them  and  an  Indian  died  of  cold  and  hunger, 
heing  exposed  in  the  most  inclement  of  seasons.  He 
and  Mendez  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  while 
with  them  his  associate  fled,  going  as  well  as  he  could 
in  the  direction  of  Pdnuco,  and  the  natives  pursuing, 
put  him  to  death. 

While  living  with  these  Indians,  Figueroa  learned 
from  them  that  there  was  a  Christian  among  the  Mari- 
arves,  who  had  come  over  from  the  opposite  side,  and 
he  found  him  among  the  Quevenes.  This  was  Her- 
nardo  de  Esquivel,  a  native  of  Badajoz,  who  had  come 
in  company  with  the  Commissary.  From  him  Figu 
eroa  learned  the  end  to  which  the  Governor,  the 
Comptroller  and  the  others  had  come.  Esquivel  told 
him  that  the  Comptroller  and  the  friars  had  upset 
their  boat  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers,  and  that  the 
boat  of  the  Governor,  moving  along  the  coast,  came 
with  its  people  to  land.  Narvdez  went  in  the  boat 
until  arriving  at  that  great  bay,  where  he  took  in  the 
people,  and,  crossing  them  to  the  opposite  point,  re 
turned  for  the  Comptroller,  the  friars  and  the  rest. 
And  he  related  that  being  disembarked,  the  Governor 
had  recalled  the  commission  the  Comptroller  held  as 
his  lieutenant,  assigning  the  duties  to  a  captain  with 
him  named  Pantoja:  that  ISTarvaez  stayed  the  night 
in  his  boat,  not  wishing  to  come  on  shore,  having  a 
cockswain  with  him  and  a  page  who  was  unwell, 
there  being  no  water  nor  anything  to  eat  on  board ; 
that  at  midnight,  the  boat  having  only  a  stone  for 
anchor,  the  north  wind  blowing  strongly  took  her 


94  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

unobserved  to  sea,  and  they  never  knew  more  of  their 
commander.3 

The  others  then  went  along  the  coast,  and  as  they 
were  arrested  by  a  wide  extent  of  water,  they  made 
rafts  with  much  labor,  on  which  they  crossed  to  the 
opposite  shore.  Going  on,  they  arrived  at  a  point  of 
woods  on  the  banks  of  the  water  where  were  Indians, 
who,  as  they  saw  them  coming,  put  their  houses  into 
their  canoes  and  went  over  to  the  opposite  side.  The 
Christians,  in  consideration  of  the  season,  for  it  was 
now  the  month  of  November,  stopped  at  this  wood, 
where  they  found  water  and  fuel,  some  crabs  and  shell 
fish.  They  began,  one  by  one,  to  die  of  cold  and 
hunger ;  and,  more  than  this,  Pantoja,  who  was  Lieu 
tenant  Governor,  used  them  severely,  which  Soto- 
Mayor  (the  brother  of  Vasco  Porcallo,  of  the  Island 
of  Cuba),  who  had  come  with  the  armament  as  camp- 
master,  not  being  able  to  bear,  had  a  struggle  with 
him,  and,  giving  him  a  blow  with  a  club,  Pantoja 
was  instantly  killed.4 

Thus  did  the  number  go  on  diminishing.  The 
living  dried  the  flesh  of  them  that  died ;  and  the  last 
that  died  was  Soto-Mayor,  when  Esquivel  preserved  his 
flesh,  and,  feeding  on  it,  sustained  existence  until  the 
first  of  March,  when  an  Indian  of  those  that  had  fled, 
coming  to  see  if  they  were  alive,  took  Esquivel  with 
him.  While  he  was  in  the  possession  of  the  native,  Fi- 
gueroa  saw  him,  and  learned  all  that  had  been  related. 
He  besought  Esquivel  to  come  with  him,  that  together 
they  might  pursue  the  way  to  Panuco ;  to  which  Es- 


CABEgA  DE   VACA.  95 

quivel  would  not  consent,  saying  that  he  had  under 
stood  from  the  friars  that  Panuco  had  been  left  behind : 
so  he  remained  there  and  Figueroa  went  to  the  .coast 
where  he  was  accustomed  to  live. 


ADDENDUM. 

Some  circumstances  are  a  little  differently  told  in  the  Letter  from 
what  they  are  in  the  Relation,  with  additional  particulars  too  import 
ant  to  be  omitted.  The  text  of  OVIEDO  is  here  tangled ;  but  the  facts, 
keeping  in  mind  the  Relation,  are  as  follows : 

"  .  .  .  .  Cabeca  de  Vaca  coming  upon  two  Indians,  they  conducted 
him  to  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and  to  Andres  Dorantes,  who  was  there  wait 
ing  the  arrival  of  his  slave. 

"  Asturiano  the  clergyman,  with  a  negro,  were  living  (the  first 
muter)  on  an  island  where  they  went  for  subsistence,  situated  back 
of  the  one  on  which  the  boats  were  lost.  The  Indians  brought  them 
again  across  the  bay  in  a  canoe,  to  the  island  where  were  Andres 
Dorantes,  Alonzo  del  Castillo,  Diego  Dorantes,  Pedro  Valdivieso  with 
six  others  who  had  survived  cold  and  hunger.  Together  on  the  first 
day  of  April,  they  took  their  departure,  leaving  two  for  want  of 
strength  to  march,  as  also  Cabeca  de  Vaca  and  another  person  inland, 
who  could  not  be  got  at  to  bring  away.  In  return  for  some  things, 
the  Indians  passed  them  over  another  bay. 

"  The  Christians  traveled  thence  two  leagues  to  a  large  river  that 
was  beginning  to  swell  from  freshets  and  rain,  where  they  made 
rafts  on  which  they  crossed  with  much  difficulty,  there  being  few 
swimmers.  Three  leagues  farther  they  came  to  another  river,  running 
powerfully  from  the  same  cause,  and  with  so  much  impetuosity  that 
the  fresh  water  for  a  time  extended  a  good  way  into  the  sea.  They 
made  rafts  as  before.  The  first  one,  being  assisted,  went  over  in 
safety ;  the  other  was  driven  to  sea  more  than  a  league ;  for  the 
men  being  emaciated  and  worn  by  the  hardships  of  the  winter,  had 
no  strength.  On  the  way  they  had  eaten  only  of  the  abundant  rock- 
weed  of  which  glass  is  made  in  Spain,  and  certain  crabs  hatched 
in  crevices  along  shore,  that  are  little  else  than  shell.  Two  men 
were  drowned,  two  escaped  from  the  raft  by  swimming,  and  one, 
who  had  remained  sitting,  finding  himself  beyond  the  current,  got 
on  the  top,  where  the  wind  acting  on  him  as  a  sail,  took  him  thence 
again  and  cast  him  on  the  shore  in  safety. 


96  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

"  The  ten  were  now  joined  by  another  Christian,  and  after  going 
four  leagues  came  to  a  river,  where  they  found  a  boat  which  was 
recognized  to  be  that  of  the  Comptroller,  Alonzo  Enriquez,  and  the 
Commissary,  but  nothing  could  be  seen  of  the  people.  Having  walked 
five  or  six  leagues  more,  they  arrived  at  another  large  river,  where 
were  two  ranches,  out  of  which  the  tenants  fled.  Other  Indians 
came  from  the  side  opposite,  having  before  seen  the  men  of  that  boat 
and  others  belonging  to  the  one  of  the  Governor,  who  knew  who 
these  were,  and  after  assuring  themselves  took  them  over  in  a  canoe. 
There  was  nothing  in  their  houses  to  eat ;  nevertheless  the  Christians 
got  a  little  fish  sufficient  to  sustain  them  through  the  night. 

"  The  Spaniards  left  the  next  day,  and  on  the  fourth  day  arrived 
at  a  bay  having  lost  two  of  their  number  by  hunger  and  fatigue. 
Nine  only  now  remained.  The  bay  was  broad,  nearly  a  league  across. 
The  side  towards  Panuco  forms  a  point  running  out  nearly  a  quarter 
of  a  league,  having  on  it  some  large  white  sand  stacks  which  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  can  be  descried  from  a  distance  at  sea,  and 
were  consequently  thought  to  mark  the  river  Espiritu  Sancto.  Find 
ing  no  way  to  pass  they  were  greatly  embarrassed.  At  last  they 
discovered  a  broken  canoe,  which  setting  to  rights  in  the  best  manner 
possible  they  managed  to  get  over  in  the  two  days  they  were  there. 
Going  on,  much  depressed  by  hunger,  the  greater  number  swollen  by 
the  sea-weed  they  had  eaten,  with  much  exertion,  at  the  end  of 
twelve  leagues  they  came  to  a  small  bay,  not  over  the  breadth  of  a 
.river.  They  tarried  over  the  day  of  their  arrival.  The  next  day, 
seeing  an  Indian  on  the  opposite  shore,  they  called  to  him ;  but  he 
gave  them  'no  heed  and  went  off.  In  the  afternoon  he  returned, 
bringing  with  him  one  of  the  four  who  had  been  sent  forward  in  the 
previous  winter,  to  reach  the  land  of .  Christians.  Presently  the  two 
came  over,  and  Figueroa  there  recounted  to  the  nine  the  fate  of  his 
three  companions,  two  dying  of  hunger,  the  third  killed  by  Indians. 

"  Figueroa  stated  that  he  had  come  upon  a  Christian  named  Esqui- 
vel,  the  sole  survivor  in  the  boats  of  the  Governor  and  Alonzo  Enrri- 
quez,  who  had  with  others,  subsisted  on  the  flesh  of  those  that  died : 
that  the  boat  of  the  Comptroller  was  wrecked  where  they  saw  her, 
and  the  Governor  following  along  by  the  coast,  came  upon  those 
men,  as  he  still  kept  the  sea  in  his  boat ;  that  on  discovering  them, 
he  concluded  to  lighten  his  vessel  by  setting  his  people  on  shore  that 
they  might  travel  together  along  the  coast ;  the}  being  weary  of  the 
voyage  and  without  food,  and  that  keeping  in  sight  of  them  on 
coming  to  any  river  or  bay,  he  would  pass  them  over  to  the  other 
shore.  In  this  manner  they  arrived  at  a  river  supposed  to  be  Espiritu 
Sancto,  where  the  Governor  crossed  them  to  the  other  shore,  remain- 


CABECA  DE  VACA.  97 

ing  himself  in  the  boat,  unwilling  to  land,  there  being  with  him  only 
a  pilot,  Anton  Perez,  and  his  page  Campo.  As  the  night  set  in,  a 
strong  wind  came  on  to  blow  from  the  north ;  and  from  that  hour 
nothing  was  ever  heard  of  them.  Narvaez  at  the  time  was  covered 
with  spots ;  and  as  those  with  him  were  not  robust,  they  may  be 
considered  to  have  been  swallowed  up  by  the  sea.  The  people  pass 
ing  by  certain  pools  and  overflowed  grounds,  went  inland,  where, 
without  resource,  they  all  died  during  the  winter  of  cold  and  hunger, 
while  subsisting,  some  of  them  as  has  been  related." 

1  Subsequently  Cabeca  de  Vaca  speaks  of  seeing  a  people  disfigured 
in  this  manner,  who  were  lighter  in  color  than  any  other  Indians  he 
had  found.  See  Chapter  XXVIII,  and  note  1. 

a  One  of  the  Quevenes. 

"BERNAL  DIAZ  portrays  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  from  memory,  after 
the  lapse  of  half  a  century,  as  he  saw  him  in  New  Spain  in  1520, 
seven  or  eight  years  before  his  death. 

"  Narvaez  was  in  appearance  about  forty-two  years  of  age,  tall,  very 
muscular,  of  full  face,  and  he  had  a  red  beard.  He  reasoned  well,  and 
his  presence  was  agreeable  ;  he  was  leisurely  in  discourse,  with  a  voice 
of  .great  volume,  like  that  of  one  speaking  in  a  vault.  He  rode  well,  and 
was  reputed  to  be  courageous.  •  The  place  of  his  nativity  was  Valla- 
dolid,  or  Tudela  on  the  Duero.  He  was  married  to  a  lady,  Maria  de 
Valenzuela.  He  had  been  a  captain  in  Cuba,  was  wealthy,  and  was 
said  to  be  penurious.  He  had  an  eye  put  out  at  the  time  we  overthrew 
him.  He  went  to  Castilla  to  complain  of  Cortes  and  us,  and  his 
Majesty  conferred  on  him  the  government  of  Florida,  in  which 
country  he  expended  all  his  treasure  and  was  lost." — Historia  Verda- 
dera  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva  Espana,  Cap.  CCV.  1632. 

The  recollection  of  the  first  Chronicler  of  the  New  World  treats 
the  reader  to  a  little  information  of  the  family  circle  and  private 
circumstances  of  the  Governor,  with  the  much  good  advice  he  threw 
away  upon  him. 

"  If  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  had  not  forgotten  the  manner  of  his 
treatment  in  New  Spain,  and  how  contrary  to  expectation  his  plans 
turned  oat,  he  would  not  have  gone  forth  in  quest  of  other  whirl 
winds  and  more  fatigue,  but  rested  content  with  being  a  hidalgo, 
who  having  come  into  these  parts  to  gain  a  livelihood  with  sword 
and  buckler,  had  won  honor  and  renown,  besides  a  woman  of  virtue 
and  rank,  God  giving  him  children  and  an  estate  with  which  he 
might  easily  enough  pass  his  days  in  keeping  with  his  condition. 
He  was  a  man  of  accomplishments,  gentle  breeding  and  pure  blood : 
on  proper  occasions  he  had  shown  himself  brave  in  arms  as  a  soldier, 
13 


98  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

and  skillful  as  a  captain.  When  he  had  conquered  and  pacified  Cuba, 
he  lived  prosperously  on  the  Island,  having  good  possessions ;  and 
even  afterward,  when  he  got  out  of  the  prison  and  talons  of  Cortes, 
he  found  his  wife,  Maria  de  Valenzuela,  then  waiting  upon  him  for 
some  years,  with  the  honor  and  reputation  of  Penelope  ;  but  instead 
of  tangling  and  untangling  for  any  doubts  or  fears  that  her  husband 
would  not  return,  when  informed  of  the  capture  and  misfortunes  of 
her  Ulysses,  she  set  about  to  improve  and  husband  his  estate  as  the 
means  of  his  relief.  In  this  state  did  Narvaez  find  matters  on 
returning  to  his  house  ;  for  besides  what  he  had  left,  and  oeyond  the 
increase  of  his  property,  the  wife  had  laid  up  for  him  thirteen  or 
fourteen  thousand  dollars  in  gold  dust,  which  she  obtained -from  the 
washings  by  the  labor  of  their  slaves  and  Indians.  These  facts  he 
told  me  himself  in  Toledo,  in  the  year  1525,  the  Imperial  Majesty  of 
Charles  at  the  time  being  there. 

"  While  he  was  entreating  for  justice  and  single  combat  with 
Cortes,  I  counseled  him  as  a  friend  that  he  should  tranquilly  retire 
to  his  house  into  the  bosom  of  his  family,  giving  thanks  to  God  for 
the  sufficiency  he  possessed  to  go  through  this  stormy  world  so  full 
of  troubles  ;  but  as  his  desires  took  him  rather  to  lead  the  sous  of 
others  than  to  guide  his  own,  what  I  said  must  have  appeared  less 
to  his  purpose  than  what  he  thought.  And  thus  ended  his  career, 
driven  on  to  his  own  and  others'  destruction :  nor  did  he  lack  age 
to  need  repose,  having  passed  as  many  years  as  I  had,  if  not  more, 
and  his  person  appeared  to  me  not  a  little  worn.1  Although  he 
thanked  me  for  my  advice,  I  saw  it  did  not  agree  with  him,  which 
brought  to  memory  what  a  husbandman  asked  upon  a  time,  while  I 
was  yet  a  young  man :  '  Your  Worships  who  are  of  the  palace, 
I  venture  to  say,  know  not  why  the  ass  is  struck  with  the  stick  the 
third  time  ; '  which  I  responded  to,  saying, '  It  must  be  to  make  him 
gee  up.'  The  villager  replied,  '  that  is  not  the  reason ;  it  is  because 
the  ass  does  not  remember  the  first  time,  and  because  he  did  not 
amend  with  the  second.'  I,  with  the  others  who  heard  this,  con 
sidered  he  spoke  with  good  reason  ;  and  we  thought  the  words  well 
enough  to  bear  in  mind,  to  be  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  men  as 
well  as  mules,  since  such  should  those  be  considered  who  do  not 
amend  with  many  stripes,  whom  one,  another  and  another  peril  does 
not  suffice  to  teach.  We  will  leave  this." 

To  these  felicitous  pictures  from  those  who  knew  him,  may  be 
added  one  nearly  as  remarkable  from  the  hand  of  an  old  acquaint- 

1  This  was  in  1525.  At  the  time  Narvaez  was  lost,  1528,  Oviedo  was  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  his  life,  having  been  born  in  August  1478. 


CABECA  DE  VACA.  99 

ance,  perhaps  friend,  the  famous  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  who  was  a  com 
panion  in  his  lesser  enterprises  some  years  earlier. 

"  This  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  was  a  man  of  commanding  person,  tall 
of  stature,  complexion  fair,  inclining  to  red,  honest,  of  good  judg 
ment,  though  not  very  discreet,  agreeable  in  conversation,  with 
pleasing  address,  brave  against  Indians,  and  probably  would  have 
been  against  any  people,  had  ever  occasion  offered  for  fighting  them  ; 
but  over  every  other  fault  he  had,  was  that  of  being  very  careless." 

Xarvaez  had  gone  with  his  adherents  from  Santo  Domingo  to 
Cuba,  where  he  was  well  received  by  Velasquez,  became  his  principal 
captain,  was  respected,  and  held  the  first  position  after  the  Governor 
011  the  Island  ;  "  but  accursed  be  any  good  that  resulted  to  the  Indians 
from  his  coming."  LAS  CASAS  soon  followed  him  thither,  invited  by 
Velasquez  through  an  ancient  friendship,  where  he  and  Xarvaez  were 
together  nearly  two  years,  "  pacifying  the  unsubdued  portions  of  the 
country,  to  the  injury,"  the  writer  declares,  "  of  the  whole  Island." — 
Gi  /tfral  Historia  de  las  Yndias,  escrita  por  Don  Frai  BARTOLOME  DE 
LAS  CASAS,  de  la  Or  den  de  Sto.  Domingo.  Lib.  iii,  Cap.  xxvi,  MS. 

Soon  after  Hernan  Cortes  had  completed  the  conquest  of  Mexico, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  the  religious  instruction  of  its  people.  He 
besought  the  king  that  persons  might  be  sent  thither  whose  purity 
of  life  should  give  no  scandal  to  their  religion,  that  the  heathen 
might  be  won  from  their  idolatry  by  example  as  well  as  teaching. 
The  policy  of  the  General,  more  extended  in  this  regard  than  is  worth 
while  here  to  state,  was  favorably  considered,  and  never  lost  sight  of 
during  the  reign  of  Charles  V.  After  long  delay,  the  General  of  the 
Order  of  Franciscan  Friars,  acting  under  the  united  authority  of  the 
King  and  the  Pope,  selected  for  the  mission  Martin  de  Valencia  a 
venerable  prelate,  who  chose  twelve  persons  to  attend  him.  Six  were 
styled  learned  preachers,  two  were  priests,  and  two  lay  brothers. 
Among  the  first,  was  Juan  Xuarez  ;  of  the  last,  Juan  de  Palos.  The 
latter  TORQUEMADA  speaks  of  as  a  person  simple-minded,  pure  and 
devout. 

The  respectful  reception  given  by  Cortes  to  these  holy  men  at  their 
entrance  of  the  capital,  earned  their  honest  encomiums.  Surrounded" 
by  his  cavaliers,  while  he  spread  his  rich  mantle  for  the  chief  friar 
to  walk  upon,  on  bended  knee  he  kissed  the  hands  of  the  passing 
brothers.  The  humble  bearing  and  poor  covering  of  the  Mendicants 
were  in  strange  contrast  to  the  gallant  deportment  and  gay  attire  of 
the  knights ;  and  when  the  Indians  saw  this  obeisance,  they  thought 
a  race  had  arrived  superior  to  their  turbulent  conquerors.  There 
were  not  wanting,  then,  those  to  tell  Cortes  that  he  had  brought  into 


100     RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABECA  DE  VACA. 

the  country  an  element  of  his  ruin,  and  they  forgot  not  to  remind  him  of 
the  occasion  afterward.  Torquemada  considers  the  act  to  have  been 
the  greatest  of  his  achievements  in  that  he  conquered  himself; 
but  admits  that  his  downfall  came  in  the  course  of  the  struggles 
made  necessary  for  preserving  the  rights  and  liberty  of  the  natives, 
which  followed  upon  his  own  misconduct.  The  pencil  of  the  age 
found  a  subject  for  its  frequent  employment  in  that  reception ;  but 
none  of  its  labor,  we  are  told,  remains  with  the  tradition ;  while  the 
grateful  chronicle  undergoes  a  scrutiny  which  no  more  allows  humility 
and  devotion  to  pass  unquestioned,  than  that  heroism  to  go  unchal 
lenged. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  friar  Juan  Xuarez  in  New  Spain  he  became 
Superior  of  the  Convent  of  Huexotzinco  ;  and  subsequently  hearing 
that  a  captain  was  about  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Florida,  his 
zeal  for  the  conversion  of  its  inhabitants  took  him  with  friar  Juan 
Palos  to  join  the  army,  and  attending  its  vicissitudes,  they  ultimately 
perished  together  on  the  coast.  Monarcliia  Indiana  3a  P.  GOMAKA. 
Cartas  de  CORTES.  Noticias  Historical  de  Nuno  de  Guzman,  Mexico  : 
1847.  In  the  Convent  of  Tlaltelalco  in  a  gallery  of  paintings  in  oil 
of  personages  who  early  came  to  Mexico,  are  the  portraits  here  pre 
sented  of  the  Friars,  taken  from  copies  obtained  for  me  by  my  dis 
tinguished  friend  Jose  Fernando  Ramirez. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  STORY  FIGUEROA  RECOUNTED  FROM  ESQUIVEL. 

This  account  was  all  given  by  Figueroa,  according  • 
to  the  relation  lie  received  from  Esquivel,  and  from 
him  through  the  others  it  came  to  me ;  whence  may 
t  be  seen  and  understood  the  fate  of  the  armament,  and 
the  individual  fortunes  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
people.  Figueroa  said,  moreover,  that  if  the  Christians 
should  at  any  time  go  in  that  direction,  it  were  pos 
sible  they  might  see  Esquivel,  for  he  knew  that  he  had 
fled  from  the  Indian  with  whom  he  was,  to  the  Ma- 
riames,  who  were  neighbors.  After  Figueroa  had 
finished  telling  the  story,  he  and  the  Asturian  made  an 
attempt  to  go  to  other  Indians  farther  on ;  but  as  soon 
as  they  who  had  the  Christians  discovered  it,  they 
followed,  and  beating  them  severely,  stripped  the  Astu 
rian  and  shot  an  arrow  through  his  arm.  They  finally 
escaped  by  flight. 

The  other  Christians  remained,  and  prevailed  on  the 
Indians  to  receive  them  as  slaves.  In  their  service 
they  were  abused  as  slaves  never  were,  nor  men  in  any 
condition  have  ever  been.  Not  content  with  frequently 
buffeting  them,  striking  them  with  sticks,  and  pulling 
out  their  beard  for  amusement,  they  killed  three  of  the 
six  for  only  going  from  one  house  to  another.  These 


102 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 


were  the  persons  I  have  named  before :  Diego  Dorantes, 
Valdivieso,  and  Diego  de  Huelva :  and  the  three  that 
remained  looked  forward  to  the  same  fate.  Not  to 
endure  this  life,  Andres  Dorantes  fled,  and  passed  to 
the  Mariames,  the  people  among  whom  Esquivel  tar 
ried.  They  told  him  that  having  had  Esquivel  there, 
he  wished  to  run  away  because  a  woman  dreamed  that 
•  a  son  of  hers  would  kill  him ;  and  that  they  followed 
after,  and  slew  him.  They  showed  Dorantes  his 
sword,  beads  and  book,  with  other  things  that  had 
been  his.  « 

Thus  in  obedience  to  their  custom  they  take  life, 
destroying  even  their  male  children -on  account  of 
dreams.  They  cast  away  their  daughters  at  birth,  and 
cause  them  to  be  eaten  by  dogs.  The  reason  of  their 
doing  this,  as  they  state,  is  because  all  the  nations  of  the 
country  are  their  foes ;  and  as  they  have  unceasing  war 
with  them,  if  they  were  to  marry  away  their  daughters, 
they  would  "so  greatly  multiply  their  enemies  that  they 
must  be  overcome  and  made  slaves ;  thus  they  prefer 
to  destroy  all,  rather  than  that  from  them  should  come 
a  single  enemy.  We  asked  why  they  did  not  them 
selves  marry  them ;  and  they  said  it  would  be  a  dis 
gustful  thing  to  marry  among  relatives,  and  far  better 
to  kill  than  to  give  them  either  to  their  kindred  or  to 
their  foes. 

This  is  likewise  the  practice  of  their  neighbors  the 
Yguazes,  but  of  no  other  people  of  that  country. 
When  the  men  would  marry,  they  buy  the  women  of 
their  enemies :  the  price  paid  for  a  wife  is  a  bow,  the 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

best  that  can  be  got,  with  two  arrows :  if  it  happens 
that  the  suitor  should  have  no  bow,  then  a  net  a 
fathom  in  length  and  another  in  breadth.  They  kill 
their  male  children,  and  buy  those  of  strangers.  The 
marriage  state  continues  no  longer  than  while  the 
parties  are  satisfied,  and  they  separate  for  the  slightest 
cause.  Dorantes  was  among  this  people,  and  after  a 
few  days  escaped. 

Castillo  and  Estevanico  went  inland  to  the  Yguazes. 
This  people  are  universally  good  archers  and  of  a  fine 
symmetry,  although  not  so  large  as  those  we  left. 
They  have  a  nipple  and  a  lip  bored.  Their  support  is 
principally  roots,  of  two  or  three  kinds,  and  they  look 
for  them  over  the  face  of  all  the  country.  The  food  is 
poor  and  gripes  the  persons  who  eat  it.  The  roots  re 
quire  roasting  two  days :  many  are  very  bitter,  and 
withal  difficult  to  be  dug.  Th  ey  are  sought  the  distance 
of  two  or  three  leagues,  and  so  great  is  the  want  these 
people  experience,  that  they  cannot  get  through  the 
year  without  them.  Occasionally  they  kill  deer,  and  at 
times  take  fish;  but  the  quantity  is  so  small  and  the 
famine  so  great,  that  they  eat  spiders  and  the  eggs  of 
ants,  worms,  lizards,  salamanders,  snakes,  and  vipers 
that  kill  whom  they  strike ;  and  they  eat  earth  and 
wood,  and  all  that  there  is,  the  dung  of  deer,  and  other 
things  that  I  omit  to  mention ;  and  I  honestly  believe 
that  were  there  stones  in  that  land  they  would  eat  them. 
They  save  the  bones  of  the  fishes  they  consume,  of 
snakes  and  other  animals,  that  they  may  afterwards 
beat  them  together  and  eat  the  powder.  The  men 


104  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

bear  no  burthens,  nor  carry  anything  of  weight ;  such 
are  borne  by  women  and  old  men  who  are  of  the 
least  esteem.  They  have  not  so  great  love  for  their 
children  as  those  we  have  before  spoken  of.*  Some 
among  them  are  accustomed  to  sin  against  nature. 
The  women  work  very  hard,  and  do  a  great  deal ;  of 
the  twenty-four  hours  they  have  only  six  of  repose ; 
the  rest  of  the  night  they  pass  in  heating  the  ovens  to 
bake  those  roots  they  eat.  At  daybreak  they  begin 
to  dig  them,  to  bring  wood  and  water  to  their  houses 
and  get  in  readiness  other  things  that  may  be  necessary. 
The  majority  of  the  people  are  great  thieves;  for 
though  they  are  free  to  divide  with  each  other,  on 
turning  the  head,  even  a  son  or  a  father  will  take  what 
he  can.  They  are  great  liars,  and  also  great  drunkards, 
which  they  become  from  the  use  of  a  certain  liquor. 

These  Indians  are  so  accustomed  to  running,  that 
without  rest  or  fatigue  they  follow  a  deer  from  morning 
to  night.  In  this  way  they  kill  many.  They  pursue 
them  until  tired  down,  and  sometimes  overtake  them 
in  the  race.  Their  houses  are  of  matting,  placed  upon 
four  hoops.  They  carry  them  on  the  back,  and  re 
move  every  two  or  three  days  in  search  of  food. 
Nothing"  is  planted  for  support.  They  are  a  merry 
people,  considering  the  hunger  they  suffer;  for  they 
never  cease,  notwithstanding,  to  observe  their  festivi 
ties  and  areytos.  To  them  the  happiest  part  of  the 
year  is  the  season  of  eating  prickly  pears ;  they  have 

• 

*  The  people  of  Malhado. 


CABE<?A  DE  VACA.  1Q5 

hunger  then  no  longer,  pass  all  the  time  in  danc 
ing,  and  eat  day  and  night.  While  these  last,  they 
squeeze  out  the  juice,  open  and  set  them  to  dry,  and 
when  dry  they  are  put  in  hampers  like  figs.  These 
they  keep  to  eat  on  their  way  back.  The  peel  is 
beaten  to  powder. 

It  occurred  to  us  many  times  while  we  were  among 
this  people,  and  there  was  no  food,  to  be  three  or  four 
days  without  eating,  when  they,  to  revive  our  spirits, 
would  tell  us  not  to  be  sad,  that  soon  there  would  be 
prickly  pears  when  we  should  eat  a  plenty  and  drink 
of  the  juice,  when  our  bellies  would  be  very  big  and 
we  should  be  content  and  joyful,  having  no  hunger. 
From  the  time  they  first  told  us  this,  to  that  at  which 
the  earliest  were  ripe  enough  to  be  eaten,  was  an 
interval  of  five  or  six  months  ;  so  having  tarried  until 
the  lapse  of  this  period,  and  the  season  had  come,  we 
went  to  eat  the  fruit. 

We  found  mosquitos  of  three  sorts,  and  all  of  them 
abundant  in  every  part  of  the  country.  They  poison 
and  inflame,  and  during  the  greater  part  of  the  summer 
gave  us  great  annoyance.  As  a  protection  we  made 
fires,  encircling  the  people  with  them,  burning  rotten 
and  wet  wood  to  produce  smoke  without  flame.  The 
remedy  brought  another  trouble,  and  the  night  long 
we  did  little  else  than  shed  tears  from  the  smoke  that 
came  into  our  eyes,  besides  feeling  intense  heat  from 
the  many  fires,  and  if  at  any  time,  we  went  out  for 
Depose  to  the  seaside  and  fell  asleep,  we  were  reminded 
with  blows  to  make  up  the  fires.  The  Indians  of  the 
14 


106  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

interior  have  a  different  method,  as  intolerable,  and 
worse  even  than  the  one  I  have  spoken  of,  which  is  to 
go  with  brands  in  the  hand  firing  the  plains  and  forests 
within  their  reach,  that  the  mosquitos  may  fly  away, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  drive  out  lizards  and  other 
like  things  from  the  earth  for  them  to  eat. 

They  are  accustomed  also  to  kill  deer  by  encircling 
them  with  fires.  The  pasturage  is  taken  from  the 
cattle  by  burning,  that  necessity  may  drive  them  to 
seek  it  in  places  where  it  is  desired  they  should  go. 
They  encamp  only  where  there  are  wood  and  water; 
and  sometimes  all  carry  loads  of  these  when  they  go  to 
hunt  deer,  which  are  usually  found  where  neither  is 
to  be  got.  On  the  day  of  their  arrival,  they  kill  the  deer 
and  other  animals  which  they  can,  and  consume  all  the 
water  and  all  the  wood  in  cooking  and  on  the  fires 
they  make  to  relieve  them  of  mosquitos.  They  remain 
the  next  day  to  get  something  to  sustain  them  on  their 
return;  and  when  they  go,  such  is  their  state  from 
those  insects  that  they  appear  to  have  the  affliction  of 
holy  Lazarus.  In  this  way  do  they  appease  their 
hunger,  two  or  three  times  in  the  year,  at  the  cost  I 
have  mentioned.  From  my  own  experience,  I  can 
state  there  is  no  torment  known  in  this  world  that  can 
equal  it. 

Inland  are  many  deer,  birds  and  beasts  other  than 
those  I  have  spoken  of.  Cattle  come  as  far  as  here. 
Three  times  I  have  seen  them  and  eaten  of  their  meat. 
I  think  they  are  about  the  size  of  those  in  Spain. 
They  have  small  horns  like  the  cows  of  Morocco ;  the 


CABECA  DE  VAC  A.  1Q7 

hair  is  very  long  and  flocky  like  the  merino's.  Some 
are  tawny,  others  black.  To  my  judgment  the  flesh 
is  finer  and  fatter  than  that  of  this  country.  Of  the 
skins  of  those  not  full  grown  the  Indians  make 
blankets,  and  of  the  larger  they  make  shoes  and  buck 
lers.  They  come  as  far  as  the  sea-coast  of  Florida, 
from  a  northerly  direction,  ranging  through  a  tract  of 
more  than  four  hundred  leagues ;  and  throughout  the 
whole  region  over  which  they  run,  the  people  who 
inhabit  near,  descend  and  live  upon  them,  distributing 
a  vast  many  hides  into  the  interior  country. 


ADDENDUM. 

These  sections,  appropriate  to  the  matter  in  the  xvin  Chapter,  are 
from  the  Letter  written  by  Cabec,a  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes,  incorporated 
in  the  work  of  OVIEDO. 

"  Thus  ended  the  account  of  Figueroa,  without  his  being  able  to  add 
more  to  it,  than  that  Esquivel  was  about  there  in  the  possession  of 
some  natives,  and  they  might  see  him  in  a  little  while  ;  but  a  mouth 
afterwards,  it  was  known  that  he  no  longer  lived,  for  having  gone 
from  the  natives,  they  had  followed  after  and  put  him  to  death. 
Figueroa  tarried  a  few  moments,  long  enough  to  relate  the  sad  news. 
The  Indian  who  brought  him  would  not  permit  him  to  remain.  As- 
turiano,  the  clergyman,  and  a  young  man  being  the  only  ones  who 
could  swim,  accompanied  them  for  the  purpose  of  returning  with  fish 
which  they  were  promised,  as  likewise  that  they  should  be  brought 
back  over  that  bay  ;  but  when  the  Indians  found  them  at  their  houses, 
they  would  neither  bring  them  nor  let  them  return ;  on  the  contrary, 
they  put  their  houses  into  their  canoes  and  took  the  two  Christians 
with  them,  saying  that  they  would  soon  come  back 

"  The  eight  companions  remained  that  day  to  appease  their  hunger, 
and  the  next  morning  they  saw  two  Indians  of  a  rancho  coming  over 
the  water  to  place  their  dwellings  on  the  hither  side.  The  purpose 
was  to  live  on  blackberries  that  grow  in  some  places  along  the  coast, 
which  they  seek  at  a  season  they  know  full  well,  and  although  pre 
carious,  they  promise  a  food  that  supports  life.  They  called  to  the 


108  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

Indians,  who  came  as  to  persons  they  thought  lightly  of,  taking  some 
part  of  what  they  possessed  almost  by  force.  The  Christians  be 
sought  the  natives  to  set  them  over,  which  they  did  in  a  canoe, 
taking  them  to  their  houses  near  by,  and  at  dark  gave  them  a  small 
quantity  of  fish.  They  went  out  the  next  day  for  more,  and  returned 
at  night,  giving  them  a  part  of  what  they  had  caught.  The  day  fol 
lowing  they  moved  off  with  the  Christians  and  never  after  were  the 
two  seen  whom  the  other  Indians  had  taken  away. 

"At  last  the  natives,  weary  of  seeking  food  for  their  guests,  turned 
away  five,  that  they  should  go  to  some  Indians  who  they  said  were  to 
be  found  in  another  bay,  six  leagues  farther  on.  Alonzo  del  Castillo 
went  there  with  Pedro  de  Valdivieso,  cousin  of  Andres  Dorantes,  and 
another,  Diego  de  Huelva,  where  they  remained  a  long  tune  ;  the  two 
others  went  down  near  the  coast,  seeking  relief,  where  they  died,  as 
Dorantes  states,  who  found  the  bodies,  one  of  whom,  Diego  Dorantes, 
was  his  cousin.  The  two  hidalgos  and  the  negro  remaining  in  that 
rancho,  sufficed  for  the  use  of  the  natives,  to  bring  back -loads  of  wood 
and  water  as  slaves.  After  three  or  four  days  however,  these  like 
wise  were  turned  off,  when  for  some  time  they  wandered  about  lost, 
without  hope  of  relief  ;  and  going  naked  among  marshes,  having  been 
previously  despoiled  one  night  of  their  clothing,  they  came  upon 
those  dead. 

"  They  continued  the  route  until  they  found  some  Indians,  with 
whom  Andres  Dorantes  remained.  A  cousin  of  his,  one  of  the  three 
who  had  gone  on  to  the  bay  where  they  stopped,  came  over  from  the 
opposite  shore,  and  told  him  that  the  swimmers  who  went  from 
them,  had  passed  in  that  direction,  having  their  clothes  taken  from 
them  and  they  much  bruised  about  the  head  with  sticks  because  they 
would  not  remain  ;  still  though  beaten  and  stripped,  they  had  gone  on 
for  the  sake  of  the  oath  they  had  taken,  never  to  stop  even  if  death 
stood  in  the  path,  before  coming  to  a  country  of  Christians.  Dorantes 
states  that  he  saw  in  the  ranclfo  where  he  was,  the  clothes  belonging 
to  the  clergyman  and  to  one  of  the  swimmers,  with  a  breviary  or 
prayer  book.  Valdivieso  returned,  and  a  couple  of  days  afterwards 
was  killed,  because  he  wished  to  flee,  and  likewise  in  a  little  time 
Diego  de  Huelva,  because  he  forsook  one  lodge-house  for  another. 

"  The  Christians  were  there  made  slaves,  forced  with  more  cruelty 
to  serve  than  the  Moor  would  have  used.  Besides  going  stark  naked 
and  bare  footed  over  the  coast  burning  in  summer  like  fire,  their  con 
tinual  occupation  was  bringing  wood  and  water  on  the  back,  or  what 
ever  the  Indians  needed,  and  dragging  canoes  over  inundated  grounds 
in  hot  weather. 


CABEgA  DE  VACA.  1Q9 

"  These  natives  eat  nothing  the  year  round  but  fish,  and  of  that 
not  much.  They  experience  far  less  hunger  however,  than  the 
inhabitants  inland  among  whom  the  Spaniards  afterwards  lived. 
The  food  often  fails,  causing  frequent  removals,  or  otherwise  they 

starve They  have  finger  nails  that  for  any  ordinary  purpose 

are  knives,  and  are  their  principal  arms  among  themselves 

"  The  Spaniards  lived  here  fourteen  months,  from  May  to  the  May 
ensuing  of  the  year  1530,  and  to  the  middle  of  the  month  of  August, 
when  Andres  Dorantes,  being  at  a  point  that  appeared  most  favor 
able  for  going,  commended  himself  to  God,  and  went  off  at  mid 
day.  .  .  .  Castillo  tarried  among  that  hard  people  a  year  and  a  half 
later,  until  an  opportunity  presented  for  starting ;  but  on  arriving  he 
found  only  the  negro ;  Dorantes,  discovering  that  Indians  unbearably 
cruel  had  gone  back  more  than  twenty  leagues  to  a  river  near  the  bay 
of  Espiritu  Sancto,  among  those  who  had  killed  Esquivel,  the  solitary 
one  that  had  escaped  from  the  boats  of  the  Governor  and  Alonzo  En- 
rriques,  slain  as  they  were  told,  because  a  woman  had  dreamed  som» 
absurdity.  The  people  of  this  country  have  belief  in  dreams,  their 
only  superstition.  On  account  of  them  they  will  even  kill  their 
children ;  and  this  hidalgo  Dorantes  states,  that  in  the  course  of  four 
years  lie  had  been  a  witness  to  the  killing  or  burying  alive  of  eleven 
or  twelve  young  males,  and  rarely  do  they  let  a  girl  live.  .  .  . 

"  Andres  Dorantes  passed  ten  months  among  this  people,  enduring 
much  privation  with  continual  labor,  and  in  such  fear  of  being  killed 
that  ....  Sometimes  the  Indians  kill  deer,  setting  fire  to  the  land  and 
savannahs,  thus  driving  them  thence.  There  are  many  rats  about 
those  rivers.  The  number  killed  is  nevertheless  small ;  as  the  natives 
go  up  and  down  stream  the  winter  long,  in  quest  of  food,  they  alarm 
and  keep  back  the  game.  At  times  they  eat  fish  killed  in  that  river  ; 
the  quantity  however,  is  small,  except  during  freshets  which  come 
yearly  in  April.  When  they  occur  oftener,  a  second  time  is  in  May. 
Large  numbers  of  good  quality  are  then  killed  which  are  dried  in 
abundance  011  flakes,  although  the  greater  part  is  lost  for  want  of  salt  in 

the  preparation,  nor  can  that  be  got  anywhere In  the  end  of 

March  the  winter  is  gone,  and  the  fish  is  eaten  if  any  remain  of  what 
they  take  from  the  rivers  in  their  flood,  and  dry.  Then  they  begin  to 
travel  for  prickly  pears,  which  are  abundant  in  that  country.  .  .  . 
eating  them  the  while  and  occasionally  killing  a  deer. 

"  Sometimes  it  happens  that  a  few  persons  will  kill  two  or  three 
hundred  deer.  Andres  Dorantes  says  he  has  known  that  many  to 
be  killed  in  eight  days  time  by  sixty  Indians,  though  oftener  than 
otherwise  they  do  not  kill  any.  The  manner  of  hunting  them  is  this  : 


RELATION  OF  ALVAE  NUNEZ  CABE<? A  DE  VACA. 

As  the  animals  stray  towards  the  coast,  the  Indians  run  inland, 
where  are  many  deer,  no  people  ever  living  there ;  and  these  being 
collected  are  driven  before  them  into  the  sea,  and  are  kept  there 
the  day  long,  until  drowned,  when  the  rise  of  the  tide,  with  the  wind, 
casts  them  ashore.  They  are  not  chased  when  the  wind  is  off  the 
land,  as  at  such  times  they  will  return  immediately.  The  animal 
will  only  run  against  the  wind. 

"After  the  practice  of  this  exercise  once  or  twice,  the,  Indians 
leaving  the  salt  water,  take  up  their  journey  and  go  inland  to  eat 
prickly  pears,  which  they  begin  upon  as  they  ripen,  about  August. 
These  last  fifty  or  sixty  days.  It  is  the  best  part  of  the  twelve 
months  for  these  people,  when,  excepting  some  snails  they  pick  up, 
they  live  entirely  on  this  fruit,  making  merry  over  it  day  and  night,  so 
rejoiced  are  they  in  that  season,  while  all  the  rest  of  the  year  they 
are  suffering  severe  privation." 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

OUR  SEPARATION  BY  THE  INDIANS. 

When  the  six  months  were  over,  I  had  to  spend 
with  the  Christians  to  put  in  execution  the  plan  we 
had  concerted,  the  Indians  went  after  prickly  pears, 
the  place  at  which  they  grew  being  thirty  leagues  off; 
and  when  we  approached  the  point  of  flight,  those 
among  whom  we  were,  quarreled  about  a  woman. 
After  striking  with  fists,  beating  with  sticks  and  bruis 
ing  heads  in  great  anger,  each  took  his  lodge  and 
went  his  way,  whence  it  became  necessary  that  the 
Christians  should  also  separate,  and  in  no  way  could 
we  come  together  until  another  year. 

In  this  time  I  passed  a  hard  life,  caused  as  much  by 
hunger  as  ill  usage.  Three  times  I  was  obliged  to  run 
from  my  masters,  and  each  time  they  went  in  pursuit 
and  endeavored  to  slay  me ;  but  God  our  Lord  in  his 
mercy  chose  to  protect  and  preserve  me ;  and  when 
the  season  of  prickly  pears  returned,  we  again  came 
together  in  the  same  place.  After  we  had  arranged 
our  escape,  and  appointed  a  time,  that  very  day  the 
Indians  separated  and  all  went  back.  I  told  my 
comrades  I  would  wait  for  them  among  the  prickly 
pear  plants  until  the  moon  should  be  full.  This  day 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

was  the  first  of  September,*  and  the  first  of  the  moon ; 
and  I  said  that  if  in  this  time  they  did  not  come  as 
we  had  agreed,  I  would  leave  and  go  alone.  So 
we  parted,  each  going  with  his  Indians.  I  remained 
with  mine  until  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  moon, 
having  determined  to  flee  to  others  when  it  should 
be  full.1 

At  this  time  Andres  Dorantes  arrived  with  Este- 
vanico  and  informed  me  that  they  had  left  Castillo  with 
other  Indians  near  by,  called  Lanegados ; 2  that  they 
had  encountered  great  obstacles  and  wandered  about 
lost;  that  the  next  day  the  Indians,  among  whom  we 
were,  would  move  to  where  Castillo  was,  and  were 
going  to  unite  with  those  who  held  him  and  become 
friends,  having  been  at  war  until  then,  and  that  in  this 
way  we  should  recover  Castillo. 

We  had  thirst  all  the  time  we  ate  the  pears,  which 
we  quenched  with  their  juice.  We  caught  it  in  a 
hole  made  in  the  earth,  and  when  it  was  full  we  drank 
until  satisfied.  It  is  sweet,  and  the  color  of  must.  In 
this  manner  they  collect  it  for  lack  of  vessels.  There 
are  many  kinds  of  prickly  pears,  among  them  some 
very  good,  although  they  all  appeared  to  me  to  be  so, 
hunger  never  having  given  me  leisure  to  choose,  nor 
to  reflect  upon  which  were  the  best. 

Nearly  all  these  people  drink  rain-water,  which  lies 
about  in  spots.  Although  there  are  rivers,  as  the 
Indians  never  have  fixed  habitations,  there  are  no 

*  September  1. 


CABEgA  DE  VACA. 

familiar  or  known  places  for  getting  water.  Through 
out  the  country  are  extensive  and  beautiful  plains  with 
good  pasturage.;  and  I  think  it  would  be  a  very  fruit 
ful  region  were  it  worked  and  inhabited  by  civilized 
men.  We  nowliere  saw  mountains. 

These  Indians  told  us  that  there  was  another  people 
next  in  advance  of  us,  called  Camones,  living  towards 
the  coast,  and  that  they  had  killed  the  people  who 
came  in  the  boat  of  Penalosa  and  Tellez,  who  arrived 
so  feeble  that  even  while  being  slain  they  could  offer 
no  resistance,  and  were  all  destroyed.  We  were 
shown  their  clothes  and  arms,  and  were  told  that  the 
boat  lay  there  stranded.  This,  the  fifth  boat,  had  re 
mained  till  then  unaccounted  for.  We  have  already 
stated  how  the  boat  of  the  Governor  had  been  car 
ried  out  to  sea,  and  the  one  of  the  Comptroller 
and  the  Friars  had  been  cast  away  on  the  coast,  of 
which  Esquevel  narrated  the  fate  of  the  men.  We 
have  once  told  how  the  two  boats  in  which  Castillo, 
I  and  Dorantes  came,  foundered  near  the  Island  of 
Malhado. 


NATIONAL  OBSERVATORY, 

WASHINGTON,  June  22d,  '50. 

1  Dear  Sir  :  I  send  you  a  table  showing  both  for  Old  and  New  Style, 
the  new  moons  that  occurred  nearest  the  first  of  September  from 
1530  to  1540. 

It  is  probable  that  Cabe?a  de  Vaca  dated  new  moon  from  the  time 
he  first  saw  it,  and  when  it  probably  might  have  been  a  day  old.  If 
so,  and  if  you  take  it  that  the  full  moon  occurred  on  the  13th,  when 
he  determined  to  flee,  it  would  bring  the  year  1532,  though  it  may 
have  been  in  1535,  if  we  suppose  him  not  to  be  very  particular  as  to 
the  actual  date  of  change  days. 

15 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA. 


However,  I  send  you  the  tabular  statement,  which  Professor  Keith 
U.  S.  N.,  has  prepared. 

Respectfully,  etc., 

M.  F.  MAURY. 
Buckingham  Smith,  Esq. 


• 

6   0 

A.  D. 

Date. 
Old  Style. 

Date. 
New  Style. 

Hour.  , 
Civil  Tiaie. 

1530 

Aug.  22 

Sept.  1 

23.2 

1531 

Sept.  10 

"    20 

20.5 

1532 

Aug.  30 

"      9 

17.6 

1533 

"      20 

Aug.  30 

8.4 

1534 

Sept.   8 

Sept.  18 

8.5 

1535 

Aug.  28 

Sept.   7 

17.1 

1536 

"     16 

Aug.  26 

15.0 

1537 

Sept.  24 

Sept.  14 

11.4 

1538 

Aug.  24 

"      3 

11.1 

1539 

Sept.  12 

"    22    ' 

6.2 

1540 

"      1 

"     11 

12.1 

!  In  the  second  edition,  Anagados ;  perhaps  they  were  the  Nacadoch. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

OF  OUR  ESCAPE. 

The  second  day  after  we  had  moved,  we  commended 
ourselves  to  God  and  set  forth  with  speed,  trusting,  for 
all  the  lateness  of  the  season  and  that  the  prickly  pears 
were  about  ending,  with  the  mast  which  remained  in 
the  woods,  we  might  still  be  enabled  to  travel  over  a 
large  territory.1  Hurrying  on*that  day  in  great  dread 
lest  the  Indians  should  overtake  us,  we  saw  some 
smokes,  and  going  in  the  direction  of  them  we  arrived 
there  after  vespers,  and  found  an  Indian.  He  ran  as 
he  discovered  us  coming,  not  being  willing  to  wait  for 
us.  We  sent  the  negro  after  him,  when  he  stopped, 
seeing  him  alone.  The  negro  told  him  we  were  seek 
ing  the  people  who  made  those  fires.  He  answered 
that  their  houses  were  near  by,  and  he  would  guide 
us  to  them.  So  we  followed  him.  He  ran  to  make 
known  our  approach,  and  at  sunset  we  saw  the  houses. 
Before  our  arrival,  at  the  distance  of  two  cross-bow 
shots  from  them,  we  found  four  Indians,  who  waited 
for  us  and  received  us  well.  We  said  in  the  language 
of  the  Mariames,  that  we  were  coming  to  look  for 
them.  They  were  evidently  pleased  with  our  com 
pany,  and  took  us  to  their  dwellings.  Dorantes  and 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEyA  DE  VAC  A. 

the  negro  were  lodged  in  the  house  of  a  physician, 
Castillo  and  myself  in  that  of  another. 

These  people  speak  a  different  language,  and  are 
called  Avavares.  They  are  the  same  that  carried  bows 
to  those  with  whom  we  formerly  lived,*  going  to  traffic 
with  them,  and  although  they  are  of  a  different  nation 
and  tongue,  they  understand  the  other  language. 
They  arrived  that  day  with  their  lodges,  at  the  place 
where  we  .found  them.  The  community  directly 
brought  us  a  great  many  prickly  pears,  having  heard 
of  us  before,  of  our  cures,  and  of  the  wonders  our 
Lord  worked  by  us,  which,  although  there  had  been 
no  others,  were  adequate  to  open  ways  for  us  through 
a  country  poor  like  this,  to  afford  us  people  where 
oftentimes  there  are  none,  and  to  lead  us  through  immi 
nent  dangers,  not  permitting  us  to  be  killed,  sustaining 
us  under  great  want,  and  putting  into  those  nations 
the  heart  of  kindness,  as  we  shall  relate  hereafter. 


*  The  Mariames. 

1  The  only  persons  whom  the  little  band  may  have  been  leaving 
behind  alive,  were  Theodoro  and  the  negro,  who  went  on  shore  at  St. 
Andrew's  or  at  Pensacola  bay,  Oviedo,  who  returned  towards  Mal- 
hado,  Figueroa  and  the  Asturian,  who  had  been  last  heard  of  as 
being  on  the  coast,  among  the  People  of  the  Figs. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

OUR  CURE  OF    SOME  OF   THE  AFFLICTED. 

That  same  night  of  our  arrival,  some  Indians  came  to 
Castillo  and  told  him  that  they  had  great  pain  in  the 
head,  begging  him  to  cure  them.  After  he  made  over 
them  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  commended  them  to 
God,  they  instantly  said  that  all  the  pain  had  left,  and 
went  to  their  houses  bringing  us  prickly  pears,  with 
a  piece  of  venison,  a  thing  to  us  little  known.  As 
the  report  of  Castillo's  performances  spread,  many  came 
to  us  that  night  sick,  that  w.e  should  heal  them,  each 
bringing  a  piece  of  venison,  until  the  quantity  became 
so  great  we  knew  not  where  to  dispose  of  it.  We  gave 
many  thanks  to  G.od,  for  every  day  went  on  increasing 
his  compassion  and  his  gifts.  After  the  sick  were 
attended  to,  they  began  to  dance  and  sing,  making 
themselves  festive,  until  sunrise ;  and  because  of  our 
arrival,  the  rejoicing  was  continued  for  three  days. 

When  these  were  ended,  we  asked  the  Indians  about 
the  country  farther  on,  the  people  we  should  find  in  it, 
and  of  the  subsistence  there.  They  answered  us,  that 
throughout  all  the  region  prickly  pear  plants  abounded ; 
but  the  fruit  was  now  gathered  and  all  the  people  had 
gone  back  to  their  houses.  They  said  the  country  was 
very  cold,  and  there  were  few  skins.  Reflecting  on 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

this,  and  that  it  was  already  winter,  we  resolved  to  pass 
the  season  with  these  Indians. 

Five  days  after  our  arrival,  all  the  Indians  went  off, 
taking  us  with  them  to  gather  more  prickly  pears, 
where  there  were  other  peoples  speaking  different 
tongues.  After  walking  five  days  in  great  hunger, 
since  on  the  way  was  no  manner  of  fruit,  we  came 
to  a  river  and  put  up  our  houses.  We  then  went  to 
seek  the  product  of  certain  trees,  which  is  like  peas. 
As  there  are  no  paths  in  the  country,  I  was  detained 
some  time.  The  others  returned,  and  coming  to  look 
for  them  in  the  dark,  I  got  lost.  Thank  God  I  found 
a  burning  tree,  and  in  the  warmth  of  it  passed  the  cold 
of  that  night.  In  the  morning,  loading  myself  with 
sticks,  and  taking  two  brands  with  me,  I  returned 
to  seek  them.  In  this  manner  I  wandered  five  days, 
ever  with  my  fire  and  load ;  for  if  the  wood  had  failed 
me  where  none  could  be  found,  as  many  parts  are  with 
out  any,  though  I  might  have  sought  sticks  elsewhere, 
there  would  have  been  no  fire  to  kindle  them.  This 
was  all  the  protection  I  had  against  cold,  while  walking 
naked  as  I  was  born.  Going  to  the  low  woods  near 
the  rivers,  I  prepared  myself  for  the  night,  stopping  in 
them  before  sunset.  I  made  a  hole  in  the  ground  and 
threw  in  fuel  which  the  trees  abundantly  afforded,  col 
lected  in  good  quantity  from  those  that  were  fallen  and 
dry.  About  the  whole  I  made  four  fires,  in  the  form 
of  a  cross,  which  I  watched  and  made  up  from  time  to 
time.  I  also  gathered -some  bundles  of  the  coarse  straw 
that  there  abounds,  with  which  I  covered  myself  in 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

the  hole.  In  this  way  I  was  sheltered  at  night  from 
cold.  On  one  occasion  while  I  slept,  the  fire  fell  upon 
the  straw,  when  it  began  to  blase  so  rapidly  that  not 
withstanding  the  haste  I  made  to  get  out  of  it,  I 
carried  some  marks  on  my  hair  of  the  danger  to  which 
I  was  exposed.  All  this  while  I  tasted  not  a  mouthful, 
nor  did  I  find  anything  I  could  eat.  My  feet  were  bare 
and  bled  a  good  deal.  Through  the  mercy  of  God,  the 
wind  did'  not  blow  from  the  north  in  all  this  time, 
otherwise  I  should  have  died. 

At  the  end  of  the  fifth  day  I  arrived  on  the  margin 
of  a  river,  where  I  found  the  Indians,  who  with  the 
Christians,  had  considered  me  dead,  supposing  that  I 
had  been  stung  by  a  viper.  All  were  rejoiced  to  see  me, 
and  most  so  were  my  companions.  They  said  that  up 
to  that  time  they  had  struggled  with  great  hunger,  which 
was  the  cause  of  their  not  having  sought  me.  At  night, 
all  gave  me  of  their  prickly  pears,  and  the  next  morning 
we  set  out  for  a  place  where  they  were  in  large  quantity, 
with  which  we  satisfied  our  great  craving,  the  Christ 
ians  rendering  thanks  to  our  Lord  that  he  had  ever 
given  us  his  aid. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  COMING  OF  OTHER  SICK  TO  US  THE  NEXT  DAY. 

The  next  day  morning,  many  Indians  came,  and 
brought  five  persons  who  had  cramps  and  were  very  un 
well.  They  came  that  Castillo  might  cure  them.  Each 
offered  his  bow  and  arrows,  which  Castillo  received. 
At  sunset  he  blessed  them,  commending  them  to  God 
our  Lord,  and  we  all  prayed  to  Him  the  best  we  could 
to  send  health ;  for  that  He  knew  there  was  no  other 
means,  than  through  Him,  by  which  this  people  would 
aid  us,  so  wre  could  come  forth  from  this  unhappy  ex 
istence.  He  bestowed  it  so  mercifully,  that,  the  morn 
ing  having  come,  all  got  up  well  and  sound,  and  were 
as  strong  as  though  they  never  had  a  disorder.  It 
caused  great  admiration,  and  inclined  us  to  render 
many  thanks  to  God  our  Lord,  whose  goodness  we 
now  clearly  beheld,  giving  us  firm  hopes  that  He 
would  liberate  and  bring  us  to  where  we  might  serve 
Him.  For  myself  I  can  say  that  I  ever  had  trust  in 
His  providence  that  He  would  lead  me  out  from  that 
captivity,  and  thus  I  always  spoke  of  it  to  my  com 
panions. 

The  Indians  having  gone  and  taken  their  friends 
with  them  in  health,  we  departed  for  a  place  at  which 
others  were  eating  prickly  pears.  These  people  are 


CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

called  Cuthalchuches l  and  Malicones,  who  speak  differ 
ent  tongues.  Adjoining  them  were  others  called  Coayos 
and  Susolas,  and  on  the  opposite  side,  others  called 
Atayos,2  who  were  at  war  with  the  Susolas,  exchang 
ing  arrow  shots  daily.  As  through  all  the  country 
they  talked  only  of  the  wonders  which  God  our  Lord, 
worked  through  us,  persons  came  from  many  parts  to 
seek  us  that  we  might  cure  them.  At  the  end  of  the 
second  day  after  our  arrival,  some  of  the  Susolas  canie 
to  us  and  besought  Castillo  that  he  would  go  to  cure 
one  wounded  and  others  sick,  and  they  said  that 
among  them  was  one  very  near  his  end.  Qastillo  was 
a  timid  practitioner,  most  so  in  serious  and  dangerous 
cases,  believing  that  his  sins  would  weigh,  and  some 
day  hinder  him  in  performing  cures..  The  Indians 
told  me  to  go  and  heal  them,  as  they  liked  me ;  they 
remembered  that  I  had  ministered  to  them  in  the 
walnut  grove  when  they  gave  us  nuts  and  skins,  which 
occurred  when  I  first  joined  the  Christians.*  So  I 
had  to  go  with  them,  and  Dorantes  accompanied  me 
with  Estevanico.  Coming  near  their  huts,  I  perceived 
that  the  sick  man  we  went  to  heal  was  dead.  Many 
persons  were  around  him  weeping,  and  his  house  was 
prostrate,  a  sign  that  the  one  who  dwelt  in  it  is  no 
more.3  When  I  arrived  I  found  his  eyes  rolled  up,  and 
the  pulse  gone,  he  having  all  the  appearances  of  death, 
as  they  seemed  to  me  and  as  Dorantes  said.  I  re 
moved  a  mat  with  which  he  was  covered,  and  suppli- 

*  They  were  Mariames. 
16 


122  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

cated  our  Lord  as  fervently  as  I  could,  that  he  would 
be  pleased  to  give  health  to  him,  and  to  the  rest  that 
might  have  need  of  it.  After  he  had  been  blessed 
and  breathed  upon  many  times,  they  brought  me  his 
bow,  and  gave  me  a  basket  of  pounded  prickly  pears. 

The  natives  took  me  to  cure  many  others  who 
were  sick  of  a  stupor,  and  presented  me  two  more 
baskets  of  prickly  pears,  which  I  gave  to  the  Indians 
who  accompanied  us.  We  then  went  back  to  our 
lodgings.  Those  to  whom  we  gave  the  fruit  tarried,  and 
returned  at  night  to  their  houses,  reporting  that  he  who 
had  been  qlead  and  for  whom  I  wrought  before  them, 
had  got  up  whole  and  walked,  had  eaten  and  spoken 
with  them,  and  that  all  to  whom  I  had  ministered  were 
well  and  much  pleased.  This  caused  great  wonder 
and  fear,  and  throughout  the  land  the  people  talked 
of  nothing  else.  All  to  whom  the  fame  of  it  reached, 
came  to  seek  us  that  we  should  cure  them  and  bless 
their  children. 

When  the  Cuthalchuches,  who  were  in  company  with 
our  Indians,  were  about  to  return  to  their  own  country, 
they  left  us  all  the  prickly  pears  they  had,  without 
keeping  one :  they  gave  us  flints  of  very  high  value 
there,  a  palm  and  a  half  in  length,  with  which  they  cut. 
They  Begged  that  we  would  remember  them  and  pray 
to  God  that  they  might  always  be  well,  and  we  pro 
mised  to  do  so.  They  left,  the  most  satisfied  beings  in 
the  world,  having  given  us  the  best  of  all  they  had. 

We  remained  with  the  Avavares  eight  months, 
reckoned  by  the  number  of  moons.  In  all  this  time 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

people  came  to  seek  us  from  many  parts,  and  they 
said  that  most  truly  we  were  children  of  the  sun. 
Dorantes  and  the  negro  to  this  time  had  not  attempted 
to  practice  ;  but  because  of  the  great  solicitation  made 
by  those  coming  from  different  parts  to  find  us,  we 
all  became  physicians,  although  in  being  venturous 
and  bold  to  attempt  the  performance  of  any  cure,  I 
was  the  most  remarkable.  N"o  one  whom  we  treated, 
but  told  us  he  was  left  well;  and  so  great  was  the 
confidence  that  they  would  become  healed  if  we  ad 
ministered  to  them,  they  even  believed  that  whilst  we 
remained  none  of  them  could  die.  These  and  the  rest 
of  the  people  behind,  related  an  extraordinary  circum 
stance,  and  by  the  way  they  counted,  there  appeared 
to  be  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  since  it  occurred. 

They  said  that  a  man  wandered  through  the  country 
whom  they  called  Badthing ;  he  was  small  of  body  and 
wore  beard,  and  they  never  distinctly  saw  his  features. 
When  he  came  to  the  house  where  they  lived,  their 
hair  stood  up  and  they  trembled.  Presently  a  blazing 
torch  shone  at  the  door,  when  he  entered  and  seized 
whom  he  chose,  and  giving  him  three  great  gashes  in 
the  side  with  a  very  sharp  flint,  the  width  of  the  hand 
and  two  palms  in  length,  he  put  his  hand  through  them, 
drawing  forth  the  entrails,  from  one  of  which  he 
would  cut  off  a  portion  more  or  less,  the  length  of  a 
palm,  and  throw  it  on  the  embers.  Then  he  would 
give  three  gashes  to  an  arm,  the  second  cut  on  the 
inside  of  an  elbow,  and  would  sever  the  limb.  A  little 
after  this,  he  would  begin  to  unite  it,  and  putting  his 


124  RELATION  OF  ALYAR  XUXEZ 

hands  on  the  wounds,  these  would  instantly  become 
healed.  They  said  that  frequently  in  the  dance  he 
appeared  among  them,  sometimes  in  the  dress  of  a 
woman,  at  others  in  that  of  a  man;  that  when  it 
pleased  him  he  would  take  a  buhio,  or  house,  and 
lifting  it  high,  after  a  little  he  would  come  down  with 
it  in  a  heavy  fall.  They  also  stated  that  many  times 
they  offered  him  victuals,  but  that  he  never  ate :  they 
asked  him  whence  he  came  and  where  was  his  abidirio- 

O 

place,  and  he  showed  them  a  fissure  in  the  earth  and 
said  that  his  house  was  there  below.  These  thiiif* 

O 

they  told  us  of,  we  much  laughed  at  and  ridiculed; 
and  they  seeing  our  incredulity,  brought  to  us  many 
of  those  they  said  he  had  seized;  and  we  saw  the 
marks  of  the  gashes  made  in  the  places  according  to 
the  manner  they  had  described.4  We  told  them  he 
was  an  evil  one,  and  in  the  best  way  we  could, 
gave  them  to  understand,  that  if  they  would  believe 
in  God  our  Lord,  and  become  Christians  like  us,  they 
need  have  no  fear  of  him,  nor  would  he  dare  to  come 
and  inflict  those  injuries,  and  they  might  be  certain 
he  would  not  venture  to  appear  while  we  remained  in 
the  land.  At  this  thev  were  delighted  and  lost  much 

v  O 

of  their  dread.  They  told  us  that  they  had  seen  the 
Asturian  and  Figueroa  with  people  farther  along  the 
coast,  whom  we  had  called  those  of  thetfigs. 

They  are  all  ignorant  of  time,  either  by  the  sun  or 
moon,  nor  do  they  reckon  by  the  month  or  year ;  they 
better  know  and  understand  the  differences  of  the  sea 
sons,  when  the  fruits  come  to  ripen,  where  the  fish  resort,5 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  125 

and  the  position  of  the  stars,  at  which  they  are  ready 
and  practiced.  By  these  we  were  ever  well  treated. 
We  dug  our  own  food  and  brought  our  loads  of  wood 
and  water.  Their  houses  and  also  the  things  we  eat, 
are  like  those  of  the  nation  from  which  we  came,  but 
they  suffer  far  greater  want,  having  neither  maize, 
acorns  nor  nuts.  We  always  went  naked  like  them, 
and  covered  ourselves  at  night  with  deer-skins. 

Of  the  eight  months  we  were  among  this  people,  six 
we  supported  in  great  want,  for  fish  are  not  to  be 
found  where  they  are.  At  the  expiration  of  the  time, 
the  prickly  pears  began  to  ripen,  and  I  and  the  negro 
went,  without  these  Indians  knowing  it,  to  others 
farther  on,  a  day's  journey  distant,  called  Maliacones. 
At  the  end  of  three  days,  I  sent  him  to  bring  Castillo 
and  Dorantes ;  and  they  having  arrived,  we  all  set  out 
with  the  Indians  who  were  going  to  get  the  small 
fruit  of  certain  trees  on  which  they  support  them 
selves  ten  or  twelve  days  whilst  the  prickly  pears  are 
maturing.  They  joined  others  called  Arbadaos,  whom 
we  found  to  be  very  weak,  lank  and  swollen,  so  much 
so  as  to  cause  us  great  astonishment.  We  told  those 
with  whom  we  came,  that  we  wished  to  stop  with 
these  people,  at  which  they  showed  regret  and  went 
back  by  the  way  they  came ;  so  we  remained  in  the 
field  near  the  houses  of  the  Indians,  which  when  they 
observed,  after  talking  among  themselves  they  came 
up  together,  and  each  of  them  taking  one  of  us  by  the 
hand,  led  us  to  their  dwellings.  Among  them  we 
underwent  greater  hunger  than  with  the  others ;  we 


126  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUXEZ 

ate  daily  not  more  than  two  handfulls  of  the  prickly 
pears  which  were  green  and  so  milky  they  burned  our 
mouths.  As  there  was  lack  of  water,  those  who  ate 
suffered  great  thirst.  In  our  extreme  want  we  bought 
two  dogs,  giving  in  exchange  some  nets,  with  other 
things,  and  a  skin  I  used  to  cover  myself. 

I  have  already  stated  that  throughout  all  this  country 
we  went  naked,  and  as  we  were  unaccustomed  to  being 
so,  twice  a  year  we  cast  our  skins  like  serpents.  The 
sun  and  air  produced  great  sores  on  our  breasts  and 
shoulders,  giving  us  sharp  pain ;  and  the  large  loads 
we  had,  being  very  heavy,  caused  the  cords  to  cut 
into  our  arms.  The  country  is  so  broken  and  thick 
set,  that  often  after  getting  our  wood  in  the  forests, 
the  blood  flowed  from  us  in  many  places,  caused  by 
the  obstruction  of  thorns  and  shrubs  that  tore  our 
flesh  wherever  we  went.  At  times,  when  my  turn 
came  to  get  wood,  after  it  had  cost  me  much  blood, 
I  could  not  bring  it  out  either  on  my  back  or  by  drag 
ging.  In  these  labors  my  only  solace  and  relief  were 
in  thinking  of  the  sufferings  of  our  Redeemer,  Jesus 
Christ,  and  in  the  blood  he  shed  for  me,  in  considering 
how  much  greater  must  have  been  the  torment  he 
sustained  from  the  thorns,  than  that  1  there  received. 

I  bartered  with  these  Indians  in  combs  that  I  made 
for  them,  and  in  bows,  arrows  and  nets.  "We  made 
mats,  which  are  their  houses,  that  they  have  great 
necessity  for ;  and  although  they  know  how  to  make 
them,  they  wish  to  give  their  full  time  to  getting 
food,  since  when  otherwise  employed  they  are  pinched 


CABE^A  DE  VACA.  12  7 

with  hunger.  Sometimes  the  Indians  would  set  me  to 
scraping  and  softening  skins;  and  the  days  of  my 
greatest  prosperity  there,  were  those  in  which  they 
gave  me  skins  to  dress.  I  would  scrape  them  a  very 
great  deal  and  eat  the  scraps,  which  would  sustain  me 
two  or  three  days.  When  it  happened  among  these 
people,  as  it  had  likewise  among  others  whom  we  left 
behind,  that  a  piece  of  meat  was  given  us,  we  ate  it 
raw ;  for  if  we  had  put  it  to  roast,  the  first  native  that 
should  come  along  would  have  taken  it  off  and  de 
voured  it ;  and  it  appeared  to  us  not  well  to  expose  it 
to  this  risk;  besides  we  were  in  such  condition  it 
would  have  given  us  pain  to  eat  it  roasted,  and  "we 
could  not  have  digested  it  so  well  as  raw.  Such  was 
the  life  we  spent  there;  and  the  meagre  subsistence 
we  earned  by  the  matters  of  traffic  which  were  the 
work  of  our  hands. 

1  Spelled  Cutalclies  in  the  second  edition. 

2  The  Adayes  or  Adaize  lived  in  the  year  1805,  according  to  the 
report  of  DR.  JOHN  SIBLEY,  about  forty  miles  from  Nachitoches. 
Documents  accompanying  the  President's  Message,  year  1806.    At  a 
much  earlier  day  the  Hadaies  were  in  a  town  between  the  Nachitoches 
and  Sabine  rivers,  north  of  32°,  at  which  the  Spaniards  erected  a 
fort!— MS. 

3  The  same  custom  prevails  among  the  Xavajo  Indians  who  either 
burn  or  pull  down  the  lodge  in  which  a  person  dies.     The  Spanisli 
Conquest  of  New  Mexico,  by  W.  W.  H.  Davis. 

4  The  treatment  of  prisoners  by  a  paraconsi  of  Florida,  in  which 
practice  he  was  perhaps  not  alone,  may  be  thought  an  explanation  of 
the  origin  of  these  wounds,  shown  in  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this  mar 
velous  Indian  story.    The  statement  made  by  RENE  LAUDONNIERE, 
who  received  it  from  a  native  king,  is  to  be  found  in  his  account  of 
the  Second  Voyage  made  by  the  French  to  Florida  in  the  year  1564. 

"  .  .  .  .  then  hee  named  three  others  no  lesse  puissant  than  Satouri- 
ova,  whereof  the  first  dwelt  two  daies  iourney  from  his  lord  Olata 


128    RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA.     • 

Ouae  Utina,  and  ordinarily  made  warre,  but  pittif  ull  in  tlie  execution 
of  his  furie.  For  he  tooke  the  prisoners  to  mercy,  being  content  to 
marke  them  on  the  left  arme  with  a  great  marke  like  unto  a  scale, 
and  so  imprinted  as  if  it  had  bene  touched  with  an  hote  yron,  then 
he  let  them  goe  without  any  more  hurt."  Translation  in  3d  volume 
of  HAKLUYT'S  Voyages  and  Discoveries.  The  residence  of  Utina 
appears  to  have  been  about  midway  between  the  mouth  of  Santa  Fe 
river  and  the  harbor  of  St.  Augustine. 

* "  i  en  trempo  que  muere  el  Pescado."  Some  persons  incline  to 
understand  this  passage,  "  the  times  at  which  the  fishes  die,"  as  when 
in  cold  weather  on  the  shoal  waters  of  Texas  they  freeze  and  come  to 
the  surface. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

OF   OUR  DEPARTURE    AFTER  HAVING   EATEN    THE   DOGS. 

After  eating  the  dogs,  it  seemed  to  us  we  had 
some  strength  to  go  forward;  and  so  commending 
ourselves  to  God  our  Lord,  that  he  would  guide  us, 
we  took  our  leave  of  the  Indians.  They  showed  us  the 
way  to  others,  near  by,  who  spoke  their  language. 
While  on  our  journey,  rain  fell,  and  we  traveled  the 
day  in  wet.  We  lost  our  way  and  went  to  stop  in  an 
extensive  wood.  "We  pulled  many  leaves  of  the  prickly 
pear,  which  we  put  at  night  in  an  oven  we  made,  and 
giving  them  much  heat,  hy  the  morning  they  were  in 
readiness.  After  eating,  we  put  ourselves  under  the 
care  of  the  Almighty  and  started.  We  discovered  the 
way  we  had  lost.  Having  passed  the  wood,  we  found 
other  houses,  and  coming  up  to  them,  we  saw  two 
women  with  some  boys  walking  in  the  forest,  who 
were  frightened  at  the  sight  of  us  and  fled,  running 
into  the  woods  to  call  the  men.  These  arriving, 
stopped  behind  trees  to  look  at  us.  We  called  to  them, 
and  they  came  up  with  much  timidity.  After  some 
conversation  they  told  us  that  food  was  very  scarce 
with  them ;  that  near  by  were  many  houses  of  their 
people  to  which  they  would  guide  us.  We  came  at 
night  where  were  fifty  dwellings.  The  inhabitants  were 
17 


130    RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

astonished  at  our  appearance,  showing  much  fear. 
After  becoming  somewhat  accustomed  to  us,  they 
reached  their  hands  to  our  faces  and  bodies,  and  passed 
them  in  like  manner  over  their  own. 

"We  stayed  there  that  night,  and  in  the  morning  the 
Indians  brought  us  their  sick,  beseeching  us  .that  we 
would  bless  them.  They  gave  us  of  what  they  had  to 
eat,  the  leaves  of  the  prickly  pear  and  the  green  fruit 
roasted.  As  they  did  this  with  kindness  and  good  will, 
and  were  happy  to  be  without  anything  to  eat,  that 
they  might  have  food  to  give  us,  we  tarried  some  days. 
While  there,  others  came  from  beyond,  and  when  they 
were  about  to  depart,  we  told  our  entertainers  that  we 
wished  to  go  with  those  people.  They  felt  much  uneasi 
ness  at  this,  and  pressed  us  warmly  to  stay  :  however, 
we  took  our  leave  in  the  midst  of  their  weeping  for 
our  departure  weighed  heavily  upon  them. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

CUSTOMS  OF  THE  INDIANS  OF  THAT  COUNTRY. 

From  the  Island  of  Malhado  to  this  land,  all  the 
Indians  whom  we  saw  have  the  custom  from  the  time 
in  which  their  wives  find  themselves  pregnant,  of  not 
sleeping  with  them  until  two  years  after  they  have 
given  birth.  The  children  are  suckled  until  the  age 
of  twelve  years,  when  they  are  old  enough  to  get  sup 
port  for  themselves.  We  asked  why  they  reared  them 
in  this  manner ;  and  they  said  because  of  the  great 
poverty  of  the  land,  it  happened  many  times,  as  we 
witnessed,  that  they  were  two  or  three  days  without 
eating,  sometimes  four,  and  consequently,  in  seasons 
of  scarcity,  the  children  were  allowed  to  suckle,  that 
they  might  not  famish ;  otherwise  those  who  lived 
would  be  delicate  having  little  strength. 

If  any  one  chance  to  fall  sick  in  the  desert,  and 
cannot  keep  up  with  the  rest,  the  Indians  leave  him 
to  perish,  unless  it  be  a  son  or  a  brother;  him  they 
will  assist,  even  to  carrying  on  their  back.  It  is  com 
mon  among  them  all  to  leave  their  wives  when  there 
is  no  conformity,  and  directly  they  connect  themselves 
with  whom  they  please.  This  is  the  course  of  the 
men  who  are  childless ;  those  who  have  children,  re 
main  with  their  wives  and  never  abandon  them. 


132  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

"When  they  dispute  and  quarrel  in  their  towns,  they 
strike  each  other  with  the  fists,  fighting  until  ex 
hausted,  and  then  separate.  Sometimes  they  are 
parted  by  the  women  going  between  them ;  the  men 
never  interfere.  For  no  disaffection  that  arises  do 
they  resort  to  bows  and  arrows.  After  they  have 
fought,  or  had  out  their  dispute,  they  take  their  dwell 
ings  and  go  into  the  woods,  living  apart  from  each 
other  until  their  heat  has  subsided.  When  no  longer 
offended  and  their  anger  is  gone,  they  return.  From 
that  time  they  are  friends  as  if  nothing  had  happened ; 
nor  is  it  necessary  that  any  one  should  mend  their 
friendships,  as  they  in  this  way  again  unite  them.  If 
those  that  quarrel  are  single,  they  go  to  some  neigh 
boring  people,  and  although  these  should  be  enemies, 
they  receive  them  well  and  welcome  them  warmly, 
giving  them  so  largely  of  what  they  have,  that  when 
their  animosity  cools,  and  they  return  to  their  town, 
they  go  rich. 

They  are  all  warlike,  and  have  as  much,  strategy 
for  protecting  themselves  against  enemies  as  they 
could  have  were  they  reared  in  Italy  in  continual 
feuds.  When  they  are  in  a  part  of  the  country  where 
their  enemies  may  attack  them,  they  place  their  houses 
on  the  skirt  of  a  wood,  the  thickest  and  most  tangled 
they  can  find,  and  near  it  make  a  ditch  in  which  they 
sleep.  -The  warriors  are  covered  by  small  pieces  of 
stick  through  which  are  loop  holes ;  these  hide  them 
and  present  so  false  an  appearance,  that  if  come  upon 
they  are  not  discovered.  They  open  a  very  narrow 


CABE(?A  DE  VACA.  ^33 

• 

way,  entering  into  the  midst  of  the  wood,  where  a  spot 
is  prepared  on  which  the  women  and  children  sleep. 
"When  night  comes  they  kindle  fires  in  their  lodges, 
that  should  spies  be  about,  they  may  think  to  find 
them  there ;  and  before  daybreak  they  again  light 
those  fires.  If  the  enemy  comes  to  assault  the  houses, 
they  who  are  in  the  ditch  make  a  sally;  and  from 
their  trenches  do  much  injury  without  those  who  are 
outside  seeing  or  being  able  to  find  them.  When 
there  is  no  wood  in  which  they  can  take  shelter  in 
this  way,  and  make  their  ambuscades,  they  settle  on 
open  ground  at  a  place  they  select,  which  they  invest 
with  trenches  covered  with  broken  sticks,  having  aper 
tures  whence  to  discharge  arrows.  These  arrangements 
are  made  for  night. 

While  I  was  among  the  Aguenes,  their  enemies 
coming  suddenly  at  midnight,  fell  upon  them,  killed 
three  and  wounded  many,  so  that  they  ran  from  their 
houses  to  the  fields  before  them.  As  soon  as  these 
ascertained  that  their  assailants  had  withdrawn,  they 
returned  to  pick  up  all  the  arrows  the  others  had  shot, 
and  following  after  them  in  the  most  stealthy  manner 
possible,  came  that  night  to  their  dwellings  without 
their  presence  being  suspected.  At  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning  the  Aguenes  attacked  them,  killed  five,  and 
wounded  numerous  others,  and  made  them  flee  from 
their  houses,  leaving  their  bows  with  all  they  possessed. 
In  a  little  while  came  the  wives  of  the  Quevenes  to 
them  and  formed  a  treaty  whereby  the  parties  became 
friends.  The  women,  however,  are  sometimes  the 


134     RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

cause  of  war.  All  these  nations,  when  they  have  per 
sonal  enmities,  and  are  not  of  one  family,  assassinate 
at  night,  waylay,  and  inflict  gross  barbarities  on  each 
other. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

VIGILANCE  OF  THE  INDIANS  IN  WAR. 

They  are  the  most  watchful  in  danger  of  any  people 
I  ever  knew.  If  they  fear  an  enemy  they  are  awake 
the  night  long,  each  with  a  bow  at  his  side  and  a  dozen 
arrows.  He  that  would  sleep  tries  his  bow,  and  if  it  is 
not  strung,  he  gives  the  turn  necessary  to  the  cord. 
They  often  come  out  from  their  houses,  bending  to  the 
ground  in  such  manner  that  they  cannot  be  seen, 
looking  and  watching  on  all  sides  to  catch  every  object. 
If  they  perceive  anything  about,  they  are  at  once  in 
the  bushes  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  there 
remain  until  day,  running  from  place  to  place  where 
it  is  needful  to  be,  or  where  they  think  their  enemies 
are.  When  the  light  has  come,  they  unbend  their 
bows  until  they  go  out  to  hunt.  The  strings  are  the 
sinews  of  deer. 

The  method  they  have  of  fighting,  is  bending  low  to 
the  earth,  and  whilst  shot  at  they  move  about,  speaking 
and  leaping  from  one  point  to  another,  thus  avoiding 
the  shafts  of  their  enemies.  So  effectual  is  their  ma- 
nceuvering  that  they  can  receive  very  little  injury  from 
cross  bow  or  arquebus ;  they  rather  scoff  at  them ;  for 
these  arms  are  of  little  value  employed  in  open  field, 
where  the  Indians  move  nimbly  about.  They  are  proper 


136    RELATION.  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

for  defiles  and  in  water ;  everywhere  else  the  horse  will 
best  subdue,  being  what  the  natives  universally  dread. 
"Whosoever  would  fight  them  must  be  cautious  to  show 
no  fear,  or  desire  to  have  anything  that  is  theirs; 
while  war  exists  they  must  be  treated  with  the  utmost 
rigor ;  for  if  they  discover  any  timidity  or  Qovetous- 
ness,  they  are  a  race  that  well  discern  the  opportunities 
for  vengeance,  and  gather  strength  from  any  weakness 
of  their  adversaries.  "When  they  use  arrows  in  battle 
and  exhaust  their  store,  each  returns  his  own  way,  with 
out  the  one  party  following  the  other,  although  the  one 
be  many  and  the  other  few,  such  being  their  custom. 
Oftentimes  the  body  of  an  Indian  is  traversed  by  the 
arrow ;  yet  unless  the  entrails  or  the  heart  be  struck, 
he  does  not  die  but  recovers  from  the  wound. 

I  believe  these  people  see  and  hear  better,  and  have 
keener  senses  than  any  other  in  the  world.  They  are 
great  in  hunger,  thirst,  and  cold,  as  if  they  were  made 
for  the  endurance  of  these  more  than  other  men,  by 
habit  and  nature. 

Thus  much  I  have  wished  to  say,  beyond  the  grati 
fication  of  that  desire  men  have  to  learn  the  customs 
and  manners  of  each  other,  that  those  who  hereafter  at 
some  time  find  themselves  amongst  these  people,  may 
have  knowledge  of  their  usages  and  artifices,  the  value 
of  which  they  will  not  find  inconsiderable  in  such  event. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

OF  THE  NATIONS  AND  TONGUES. 

I  desire  to  enumerate  the  natives  and  tongues  that 
exist  from  those  of  Malhado  to  the  farthest  Cuchen- 
dados1  there  are.  Two  languages  are  found  in  the 
island ;  the  people  of  one  are  called  Cahoques,  of  the 
other,  Han.  On  the  tierra-firme,  over  against  the 
island  is  another  people,  called  Chorruco,  who  take 
their  names  from  the  forests  where  they  live.  Advanc 
ing  by  the  shores  of  the  sea,  others  inhabit  who  are 
called  the  Doguenes,  and  opposite  them  others  by  the 
name  of  Mendica.  Farther  along  the  coast  are  the 
Quevenes,  and  in  front  of  them  on  the  main,  the  Ma- 
riames ;  and  continuing  by  the  coast  are  other  called 
Guaycones ;  and  in  front  of  them,  within  on  the  main, 
the  Yguazes.  At  the  close  of  these  are  the  Atayos ; 
and  in  their  rear  others,  the  Acubadaos,  and  beyond 
them  are  many  in  the  same  direction.  By  the  coast 
live  those  called  Quitoks,  and  in  front  inward  on  the 
main  are  the  Chavavares,  to  whom  adjoin  the  Malia- 
cones,  the  Cultalchulches  and  others  called  Susolas, 
and  the  Comos ;  and  by  the  coast  farther  on  are  the 
Camoles ;  and  on  the  same  coast  in  advance  are  those 
whom  we  called  People  of  the  Figs. 
18 


138  EELATION  OF  ALVAR  NTOfEZ 

They  all  differ  in  their  habitations,  towns  and  tongues. 
There  is  a  language  in  which  calling  to  a  person,  for 
"  look  here  "  they  say  "  Arre  aca,"  and  to  a  dog  "  Xo." 2 
Everywhere  they  produce  stupefaction  with  a  smoke, 
and  for  that  they  will  give  whatever  they  possess. 
They  drink  a  tea  made  from  leaves  of  a  tree  "like  those 
of  the  oak,  which  they  toast  in  a  pot ;  and  after  these 
are  parched,  the  vessel,  still  remaining  on  the  fire,  is 
filled  with  water.  When  the  liquor  has  twice  boiled, 
they  pour  it  into  a  jar,  and  in  cooling  it  use  the  half  of 
a  gourd.  So  soon  as  it  is  covered  thickly  with  froth, 
it  is  drunk  as  warm  as  can  be  supported ;  and  from 
the  time  it  is  taken  out  of  the  pot  until  it  is  used  they 
are  crying  aloud :  Who  wishes  to  drink  ?  When  the 
women  hear  these  cries,  they  instantly  stop,  fearing 
to  move;  and  although  they  may  be  heavily  laden, 
they  dare  do  nothing  further.  Should  one  of  them 
move,  they  dishonor  her,  beating  her  with  sticks,  and 
greatly  vexed,  throw  away  the  liquor  they  have  pre 
pared  ;  while  they  who  have  drunk  eject  it,  which  they 
do  readily  and  without  pain.  The  reason  they  give 
for  this  usage  is,  that  when  they  are  about  to  drink,  if 
the  women  move  from  where  they  hear  the  cry,  some 
thing  pernicious  enters  the  body  in  that  liquid,  shortly 
producing  death.  At  the  time  of  boiling,  the  vessel 
must  be  covered ;  and  if  it  should  happen  to  be  open 
when  a  woman  passes,  they  use  no  more  of  that  liquid, 
but  throw  it  out.  The  color  is  yellow.  They  are  three 
days  taking  it,  eating  nothing  in  the  time,  and  daily 
each  one  drinks  an  arroba  and  a  half.3 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  139 

When  the  women  have  their  indisposition,  they  seek 
food  only  for  themselves,  as  no  one  else  will  eat  of 
what  they  bring.  In  the  time  I  was  thus  among  these 
people,  I  witnessed  a  diabolical  practice ;  a  man  living 
with  another,  one  of  those  who  are  emasculate  and 
impotent.  These  go  habited  like  women,  and  perform 
their  duties,  use  the  bow,  and  carry  heavy  loads. 
Among  them  we  saw  many  mutilated  in  the  way  I 
describe.  They  are  more  muscular  than  other  men, 
and  taller :  they  bear  very  weighty  burthens.4 

1  This  name  is  omitted  in  the  second  edition,  and  other  names  fol 
lowing  are  spelled  Caoques,  Doguenes,  Avavares,  Cutalchiches,  and 
instead  of  arra  oca  the  words  are  arre  oca. 

2  An  authoress  of  Andahisia  has  given  a  definition  of  these  words 
in  pointing  out  the  objects  of  the  political  parties  of  her  country. 

"  Between  a  liberal  like  you  and  a  servile  like  me  there  is  not  a 
hair." — "None,  my  Aunt,"  responded  Carlos,"  no  more  difference 
than  if  you  should  say  to  me :  So,  "  gently,"  and  I  should  answer, 
Arre,  "gee  up."  Mia,  6  la  Espafla  treinta  aflos  ha,  by  FERNAN 
CAIJALLERO. 

3  The  arroba  is  nearly  equal  to  four  and  a  quarter  gallons,  wine 
measure.     That  of  oil  is  three  and  a  third  gallons. 

The  tea  was  made  from  the  leaves  of  the  yupon,  and  universally 
drunk  by  the  Indians  in  the  regions  of  the  sea  coast  now  covered  by  the 
southern  states  of  the  Union.  In  some  parts  where  the  shrub  did  not 
grow  spontaneously,  it  was  cultivated.  CHARLEVOIX  gives  account 
of  the  manner  of  preparing  the  drink,  calls  the  shrub  apalachine,  and 
with  a  description  of  the  Hex  vomitiva,  presents  likewise  a  drawing. 
LE  MOYNE  gives  a  picture  of  Indians  engaged  in  preparing  and 
using  it  under  the  name  cacine,  as  well  as  the  manner  of  inhaling 
certain  smoke  to  produce  stupefaction  as  practiced  by  the  Timuquas 
in  Florida.  DE  BUY,  Second  Part  of  Voyage  and  Discweries. 

4  See  Second  Part  of  DE  BRY,  plates  XVII,  XXIII.    I.  Memoires 
Hi*t»riques  sur  la  Louisiane  by  DUMONT,  Chapter  XXVIII.    ROMAKS'S 
IIixf»r!/  "f  Floriiln,  pp.  70,  83. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

WE  MOVED  AWAY  AND  WERE  WELL  RECEIVED. 

After  parting  with  those  we  left  weeping,*  we  went 
with  the  others  to  their  houses  and  were  hospitably 
received  by  the  people  in  them.  They  brought  their 
children  to  us  that  we  might  touch  their  hands,  and 
gave  us  a  great  quantity  of  the  flour  of  mezquiquez.' 
The  fruit  while  hanging  on  the  tree,  is  very  bitter  and 
like  unto  the  carob ;  when  eaten  with  earth  it  is 
sweet  and  wholesome.  The  method  they  have  of  pre 
paring  it  is  this  :  they  make  a  hole  of  requisite  depth 
in  the  ground,  and  throwing  in  the  fruit,  pound  it 
with  a  club  the  size  of  the  leg,  a  fathom  and  a  half  in 
length,  until  it  is  well  mashed.  Besides  the"  earth 
that  comes  from  the  hole,  they  bring  and  add  some 
handfulls,  then  returning  to  beat  it  a  little  while  longer. 
Afterward  it  is  thrown  into  a  jar,  like  a  basket,  upon 
which  water  is  poured  until  it  rises  above  and  covers 
the  mixture.  He  that  beats  it  tastes  it,  and  if  it  appears 
to  him  not  sweet,  he  asks  for  earth  to  stir  in,  which  is 
added  until  he  finds  it  sweet.  Then  all  sit  round, 
and  each  putting  in  a  hand,  takes  out  as  much  as  he 

*  The  Arbadaos :  see  Chapter  XXIII. 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEQA  DE  VACA. 

can.  The  pits  and  hulls  are  thrown  upon  a  skin, 
whence  they  are  taken  by  him  who  does  the  pounding, 
and  put  into  the  jar  whereon  water  is  poured  as  at 
first,  whence  having  expressed  the  froth  and  juice, 
again  the  pits  and  husks  are  thrown  upon  the  skin. 
This  they  do  three  or  four  times  to  each  pounding. 
Those  present,  for  whom  this  is  a  great  banquet,  have 
their  stomachs  greatly  distended  by  the  earth  and 
water  they  swallow.  The  Indians  made  a  protracted 
festival  of  this  sort  on  our  account,  and  great  areitos 
during  the  time  we  remained.1 

When  we  proposed  to  leave  them,  some  women  of 
another  people  came  there  who  lived  farther  along. 
They  informed  us  whereabout  were  their  dwellings, 
and  we  set  out  for  them,  although  the  inhabitants 
entreated  us  to  remain  for  that  day,  because  the  houses 
whither  we  were  going  were  distant,  there  was  no  path 
to  them,  the  women  had  come  tired,  and  would  the 
next  day  go  with  us  refreshed  and  show  us  the  way. 
Soon  after  we  had  taken  our  leave,  some  of  the 
women,  who  had  come  on  together  from  the  same 
town,  followed  behind  .us.  As  there  are  no  paths  in 
the  country  we  presently  got  lost,  and  thus  traveled 
four  leagues,  when,  stopping  to  drink,  we  found  the 
women  in  pursuit  of  us  at  the  water,  who  told  us  of 
the  great  exertion  they  had  made  to  overtake  us.  We 
went  on  taking  them  for  guides,  and  passed  over  a 
river  towards  evening,  the  water  reaching  to  the 
breast.  It  might  be  as  wide  as  that  at  Sevilla;  its 
current  was  very  rapid.2 


142  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

At  sunset  we  reached  a  hundred  Indian  habitations. 
Before  we  arrived,  all  the  people  who  were  in  them 
came  out  to  receive  us,  with  such  yells  as  were  terrific, 
striking  the  palms  of  their  hands  violently  against 
their  thighs.  They  brought  us  gourds  bored  with 
holes  and  having  pebbles  in  them,  an  instrument  for 
the  most  important  occasions,  produced  only  at  the 
dance  or  to  effect  cures,  and  which  none  dare  touch 
but  those  who  own  them.  They  say  there  is  virtue  in 
them,  and  because  they  do  not  grow  in  that  country, 
they  come  from  heaven:  nor  do  they  know  where 
they  are  to  be  found,  only  that  the  rivers  bring  them 
in  their  floods.  So  great  were  the  fear  and  distrac 
tion  of  these  people,  some  to  reach  us  sooner  than 
others,  that  they  might  touch  us,  they  pressed  us  so 
closely  that  they  lacked  little  of  killing  us ;  and  with 
out  letting  us  put  our  feet  to  the  ground,  carried  us 
to  their  dwellings.  We  were  so  crowded  upon  by 
numbers,  that  we  went  into  the  houses  they  had  made 
for  us.  On  no  account  would  we  consent  that  they 
should  rejoice  over  us  any  more  that  night.  The 
night  long  they  passed  in  singing  and  dancing  among 
themselves  ;  and  the  next  day  they  brought  us  all  the 
people  of  the  town,  that  we  should  touch  and  bless 
them  in  the  way  we  had  done  to  others  among  whom 
we  had  been.  After  this  performance  they  presented 
many  arrows  to  some  women  of  the  other  town  who 
had  accompanied  theirs. 

The  next  day  we  left,  and  all  the  people  of  the  place 
went  with  us ;  and  when  we  came  to  the  other  Indians 


CABE^A  DE  VAC A. 

we  were  as  well  received  as  we  .had  been  by  the  last. 
They  gave  us  of  what  they  had  to  eat,  and  the  deer 
they  had  killed  that  day.  Among  them  we  witnessed 
another  custom,  which  is  this :  they  who  were  with 
us  took  from  him  who  came  to  be  cured,  his  bow  and 
arrows,  shoes  and  beads  if  he  wore  any,  and  then 
brought  him  before  us  that  we  should  heal  him. 
After  being  attended  to,  he  would  go  away  highly 
pleased,  saying  that  he  was  well.  So  we  parted  from 
these  Indians,  and  went  to  others  by  whom  we  were 
welcomed.  They  brought  us  their  sick,  which,  we 
having  blessed,  they  declared  were  sound ;  he  who 
was  healed,  believed  we  could  cure  him ;  and  with 
what  the  others  to  whom  we  had  administered  would 
relate,  they  made  great  rejoicing  and  dancing,  so  that 
they  left  us  no  sleep. 

1  The  mezquite  is  of  the  family  of  the  mimosas.     The  tree  is  not 
found  to  the  east  of  the  Mississippi  river,  and  is  first  seen  in  going 
west,  on  drawing  near  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte.     "  At  times  they," 
the  Indians  of  Sonora,  says  Padre  RIBAS,  "  also  avail  themselves  of 
the  fruit  of  the  Tepeguajes  or  Mezquites,  a  small  kind  of  Algorrova, 
abundant  in  that  country.     It  is  crushed  in  large  mortars  of  wood; 
the  flour  is  somewhat  sweet  and  well  flavored,  affording  both  drink 
and  nutriment." — Htetoria  de  los  TriumpJws  de  nuestra  Santa  Fee. 

2  The  expanse  of  the  Guadalquiver  is  here  a  hundred  paces,  a  few 
feet  more  or  less,  as  one  may  find  above  Torre  del  Oro  in  walking 
across  it  on  the  iron  bridge  that  connects  Sevilla  and  Triana.    The  river 
nowhere  appears  to  have  changed  or  enlarged  its  bed  in  niany  ages. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

OF  ANOTHER  STRANGE  CUSTOM. 

Leaving  these  Indians,  we  went  to  the  dwellings 
of  numerous  others.  From  this  place  began  another 
novel  custom,  which  is,  that  while  the  people  received 
us  very  well,  those  who  accompanied  us  began  to  use 
them  so  ill  as  to  take  their  goods  and  ransack  their 
houses,  without  leaving  anything.  To  witness  this 
unjust  procedure  gave  us  great  concern,  inflicted  too, 
on  those  who  received  us  hospitably ;  we  feared  also 
that  it  might  provoke  offense,  and  be  the  cause  of 
some  tumult  between  them ;  but,  as  we  were  in  no 
condition  to  make  it  better,  or  to  dare  chastise  such 
conduct,  for  the  present  we  had  to  bear  with  it,  until 
a  time  when  we  might  have  greater  authority  among 
them.  They,  also,  who  lost  their  effects,  noticing  our 
dejection,  attempted  to  console  us  by  saying  that  we 
should  not  be  grieved  on  this  account,  as  they  were  so 
gratified  at  having  seen  us,  they  held  their  properties 
to  be  well  bestowed,  and  that  farther  on  they  would 
be  repaid  by  others  who  were  very  rich. 

On  all  the  day's  travel  we  received  great  inconve 
nience  from  the  many  persons  following  us.  Had  we 
attempted  to  escape  we  could  not  have  succeeded,  such 


CABE9A  DE  VACA. 

was  their  haste  in  pursuit,  in  order  to  touch  us.  So 
great  was  the  importunity  for  this  privilege,  we  con 
sumed  three  hours  in  going  through  with  them  that 
they  might  depart.  The  next  day  all  the  inhabitants 
were  brought  before  us.  The  greater  part  were 
clouded  of  an  eye,  and  others  in  like  manner  were 
entirely  blind,1  which  caused  in  us  great  astonishment. 
They  are  a  people  of  fine  figure,  agreeable  features, 
and  whiter  than  any  of  the  many  nations  we  had  seen 
until  then. 

Here  we  began  to  see  mountains ;  they  appeared  to 
come  in  succession  from  the  North  sea,2  and,  accord 
ing  to  the  information  the  Indians  gave  us,  we  believe 
they  rise  fifteen  leagues  from  the  sea.  We  set  forth 
in  a  direction  towards  them  with  these  Indians,  and 
they  guided  us  by  the  way  of  some  kindred  of  theirs ; 
for  they  wished  to  take  us  only  where  were  their  re 
lations,  and  were  not  willing  that  their  enemies  should 
come  to  such  great  good,  as  they  thought  it  was  to 
see  us.  After  we  arrived  they  that  went  with  us 
plundered  the  others ;  but  as  the  people  there  knew 
the  fashion,  they  had  hidden  some  things  before  we 
came;  and  having  welcomed  us  with  great  festivity 
and  rejoicing,  they  brought  out  and  presented  to  us 
what  they  had  concealed.  These  were  beads,  ochre 
and  some  little  bags  of  silver.3  In  pursuance  of  cus 
tom,  we  directly  gave  them  to  the  Indians  who  came 
with  us,  which,  when  they  had  received,  they  began 
their  dances  and  festivities,  sending  to  call  others  from 
a  town  near  by,  that  they  also  might  see  us. 
19 


146  KELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

In  the  afternoon  they  all  came  and  brought  us  beads 
and  bows,  with  trifles  of  other  sort,  which  we  also  dis 
tributed.  Desiring  to  leave  the  next  day,  the  inhabit 
ants  all  wished  to  take  us  to  others,  friends  of  theirs, 
who  were  at  the  point  of  the  ridge,  stating  that  many 
houses  were  there,  and  people  who  would -give  us 
various  things.  As  it  was  out  of  our  way,  we  did  not 
wish  to  go  to  them,  and  took  our  course  along  the 
plain  near  the  mountains,  which  we  believed  not  to  be 
distant  from  the  coast  where  the  people  are  all  evil 
disposed,  and  we  considered  it  preferable  to  travel 
inland ;  for  those  of  the  interior  are  of  a  better  condi 
tion  and  treated  us  mildly,  and  we  felt  sure  that  we 
should  find  it  more  populous  and  better  provisioned. 
Moreover,  we  chose  this  course  because  in  traversing 
the  country  we  should  learn  many  particulars  of  it,  so 
that  should  God  our  Lord  be  pleased  to  take  any  of 
us  thence,  and  lead  us  to  the  land  of  Christians,  we 
might  carry  that  information  and  news  of  it.  As  the 
Indians  saw  that  we  were  determined  not  to  go  where 
they  would  take  us,  they  said  that  in  the  direction  we 
would  go,  there  were  no  inhabitants,  nor  any  prickly 
pears  nor  other  thing  to  eat,  and  begged  us  to  tarry 
there  that  day;  we  accordingly  did  so.  They  di 
rectly  sent  two  of  their  number  to  seek  for  people 
in  the  direction  that  we  wished  to  go ;  and  the  next 
day  we  left,  taking  with  us  several  of  the  Indians. 
The  women  went  carrying  water,  and  so  great  was 
our  authority  that  no  one  dared  drink  of  it  without 
our  permission. 


CABE(?A  DE  VACA. 

Two  leagues  from  there  we  met  those  who  had 
gone  out,  and  they  said  that  they  had  found  no  one ; 
at  which  the  Indians  seemed  much  disheartened,  and 
began  again  to  entreat  us  to  go  by  way  of  the  moun 
tains.  "We  did  not  wish  to  do  so,  and  they,  seeing  our 
disposition,  took  their  leave  of  us  with  much  regret, 
and  returned  down  the  river  to  their  houses,  while  we 
ascended  along  by  it.  After  a  little  time  we  came 
upon  two  women  with  burthens,  who  put  them  down 
as  they  saw  us,  and  brought  to  us,  of  what  they  carried. 
It  was  the  flour  of  maize.  They  told  us  that  farther  up 
on  that  river  we  should  find  dwellings,  a  plenty  of 
prickly  pears  and  of  that  meal.  "We  bade  them  fare 
well  :  they  were  going  to  those  whom  we  had  left. 

"We  walked  until  sunset,  and  arrived  at  a  town  of 
some  twenty  houses,  where  we  were  received  with 
weeping  and  in  great  sorrow ;  for  they  already  knew 
that  wheresoever  we  should  come,  all  would  be  pillaged 
and  spoiled  by  those  who  accompanied  us.  When 
they  saw  that  we  were  alone,  they  lost  their  fear,  and 
gave  us  prickly  pears  with  nothing  more.  "We  re 
mained  there  that  night,  and  at  dawn,  the  Indians  who 
had  left  us  the  day  before,  broke  upon  their  houses. 
As  they  came  upon  the  occupants  unprepared  and  in 
supposed  safety,  having  no  place  in  which  to  conceal 
anything,  all  they  possessed  was  taken  from  them,  for 
which  they  wept  much.  In  consolation  the  plunderers 
told  them  that  we  were  children  of  the  sun  and  that 
we  had  power  to  heal  the  sick  and  to  destroy;  and 
other  lies  even  greater  than  these,  which  none  knew 


148    RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

how  to  tell  better  than  they  when  they  find  it  con 
venient.  They  bade  them  conduct  us  with  great  respect, 
advised  that  they  should  be  careful  to  offend  us  in 
nothing,  give  us  all  they  might  possess,  and  endeavor 
to  take  us  where  people  were  numerous;  and  that 
wheresoever  they  arrived  with  us,  they  should  rob  and 
pillage  the  people  of  what  they  have,  since  this  was 
customary. 

1  The  story  has  its  parallel.     This  passage  is  from  a  traveler  who 
was  at  a  town  of  the  Shoccories  in  the  year  1701 :    "  Most  of  these 
Indians  have  but  one  Eye ;  bufr-  what  Mischance  or  Quarrel  has 
bereaved  them  of  the  other  I  could  not  learn."    New  Voyage  to  Caro- 
lana,  etc.,  by  JOHN  LAWSON  Gent.,  Surveyor-General  of  North  Caro 
lina.     London :  1709. 

2  The  ocean,  as  seen  from  Biscay,  was  the  No'rth  sea,  and  that  name 
for  the  maritime  people  there,  extended  over  the  Atlantic ;  the  dis 
covery  of  another  ocean,  the  Pacific,  as  seen  to  the  southward  from 
Panama,  became  in  contradistinction,  for  Spaniards,  the  South  sea. 

The  travelers  now  approach  the  San  Saba  mountains,  to  follow  at 
the  foot  along  their  course  westward. 

3 "  This  is  an  error  of  the  printer,  and  should  read  '  little  bags  of 
small  pearls,'  instead  of  silver."  OVIEDO. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

THE  INDIANS  PLUNDER  EACH   OTHER. 

After  the  Indians  had  told  and  shown  these  natives 
well  what  to  do,  they  left  us  together  and  went  back. 
Remembering  the  instruction,  they  began  to  treat  us 
with  the  same  awe  and  reverence  that  the  others  had 
shown.  We  traveled  with  them  three  days,  and  they 
took  us  where  were  many  inhabitants.  Before  we 
arrived,  these  were  informed  of  our  coming  by  the 
others,  who  told  them  respecting  us  all  that  the  first 
had  imparted,  adding  much  more ;  for  these  people 
are  all  very  fond  of  romance,  and  are  great  liars,  par 
ticularly  so  where  they  have  any  interest.  When  we 
came  near  the  houses  all  the  inhabitants  ran  out  with 
delight  and  great  festivity  to  receive  us.  Among 
other  things,  two  of  their  physicians  gave  us  two 
gourds,  and  thenceforth  we  carried  these  with  us,  and 
added  to  our  authority  a  token  highly  reverenced  by 
Indians.  Those  who  accompanied  us  rifled  the  houses ; 
but  as  these  were  many  and  the  others  few,  they  could 
not  carry  off  what  they  took,  and  abandoned  more 
than  the  half. 

From  here  we  went  along  the  base  of  the  ridge, 
striking  inland  more  than  fifty  leagues,  and  at  the 
close  we  found  upwards  of  forty  houses.  Among  the 


150  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

articles  given  us,  Andres  Dorantes  received  a  hawk 
bell  of  copper,  thick  and  large,  figured  with  a  face, 
which  the  natives  had  shown,  greatly  prizing  it.  They 
told  him  that  they  had  received  it  from  others,  their 
neighbors;  we  asked  them  whence  the  others  had 
obtained  it,  and  they  said  it  had  been  brought  from 
the  northern  direction,  where  there  was  much  copper, 
which  was  highly  esteemed.  "We  concluded  that 
whencesoever  it  came  there  was  a  foundery,  and  that 
work  was  done  in  hollow  form.1 

We  departed  the  next  day,  and  traversed  a  ridge 
seven  leagues  in  extent.  The  stones  on  it  are  scoria 
of  iron.  At  night  we  arrived  at  many  houses  seated 
on  the  banks  of  a  very  beautiful  river.  The  owners 
of  them  came  half  way  out  on  the  road  to  meet  us, 
bringing  their  children  on  their  backs.  They  gave  us 
many  little  bags  of  marquesite  and  pulverized  galena, 
with  which  they  rub  the  face.  They  presented  us 
many  beads,  and  blankets  of  cowhide,  loading  all  who 
accompanied  us  with  some  of  every  thing  they  had. 
They  eat  prickly  pears  and  the  seed  of  pine.  In  that 
country  are  small  pine  trees,  the  cones  like  little  eggs ; 
but  the  seed  is  better  than  that  of  Castilla,  as  its  husk 
is  very  thin,  and  while  green  is  beat  and  made  into 
balls,  to  be  thus  eaten.  If  the  seed  be  dry,  it  is 
pounded  in  the  husk,  and  consumed  in  the  form  of 
flour. 

Those  who  there  received  us,  after  they  had  touched  us 
went  running  to  their  houses  and  directly  returned,  arid 
did  not  stop  running,  going  and  coming,  to  bring  us  in 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

tills  manner  many  things  for  support  on  the  way.  They 
fetched  a  man  to  me  and  stated  that  a  long  time  since  he 
had  been  wounded  by  an  arrow  in  the  right  shoulder, 
and  that  the  point  of  the  shaft  was  lodged  above  his 
heart,  which,  he  said,  gave  him  much  pain,  and  in  con 
sequence,  he  was  always  sick.  Probing  the  wound  I 
felt  the  arrow-head,  and  found  it  had  passed  through 
the  cartilage.  With  a  knife  I  carried,  I  opened  the 
breast  to  the  place,  and  saw  the  point  was  aslant  and 
troublesome  to  take  out.  I  continued  to  cut,  and, 
putting  in  the  point  of  the  knife,  at  last  with  great 
difficulty  I  drew  the  head  forth.  It  was  very  large. 
With  the  bone  of  a  deer,  and  by  virtue  of  my  calling, 
I  made  two  stitches  that  threw  the  blood  over  me,  and 
with  hair  from  a  skin  I  stanched  the  flow.  They  asked 
me  for  the  arrow  head  after  I  had  taken  it  out,  which 
I  gave,  when  the  whole  town  came  to  look  at  it.  They 
sent  it  into  the  back  country  that  the  people  there 
might  view  it.  In  consequence  of  this  operation  they 
had  many  of  their  customary  dances  and  festivities. 
The  next  day  I  cut  the  two  stitches  and  the  Indian 
was  well.  The  wound  I  made  appeared  only  like  a 
seam  in  the  palm  of  the  hand.  He  said  he  felt  no 
pain  or  sensitiveness  in  it  whatsoever.  This  cure  gave 
us  control  throughout  the  country  in  all  that  the  in 
habitants  had  power,  or  deemed  of  any  value,  or 
cherished.  We  showed  them  the  hawk  bell  we 
brought,  and  they  told  us  that  in  the  place  whence 
that  had  come,  were  buried  many  plates  of  the  same 
material ;  it  was  a  thing  they  greatly  esteemed,  and 


152  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

where  it  came  from  were  fixed  habitations.  The 
country  we  considered  to  be  on  the  South  sea,  which 
we  had  ever  understood  to  be  richer  than  the  one  of 
the  North. 

We  left  there,  and  traveled  through  so  many  sorts 
of  people,  of  such  diverse  languages,  the  memory  fails 
to  recall  them.2**  They  ever  plundered  each  other,  and 
those  that  lost,  like  those  that  gained,  were  fully  content. 
We  drew  so  many  followers  that  we  had  not  use  for 
their  services.  While  on  our  way  through  these  vales, 
every  Indian  carried  a  club  three  palms  in  length,  and 
kept  on  the  alert.  On  raising  a  hare,  which  animals 
are  abundant,  they  surround  it  directly  and  throw  nu 
merous  clubs  at  it  with  astonishing  precision.3  Thus 
they  cause  it  to  run  from  one  to  another;  so  that, 
according  to  my  thinking,  it  is  the  most  pleasing  sport 
which  can  be  imagined,  as  oftentimes  the  animal  runs 
into  the  hand.  So  many  did  they  give  us  that  at  night 
when  we  stopped  we  had  eight  or  ten  back-loads 
apiece.  Those  having  bows  were  not  with  us ;  they 
dispersed  about  the  ridge  in  pursuit  of  deer ;  and  at 
dark  came  bringing  five  or  six  for  each  of  us,  besides 
quail,  and  other  game.  Indeed,  whatever  they  either 
killed  or  found,  was  put  .before  us,  without  themselves 
daring  to  take  anything  until  we  had  blessed  it,  though 
they  should  be  expiring  of  hunger,  they  having  so 
established  the  rule,  since  marching  with  us. 

The  women  carried  many  mats,  of  which  the  men 
made  us  houses,  each  of  us  having  a  separate  one,  with 
all  his  attendants.  After  these  were  put  up,  we  ordered 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  153 

the  deer  and  hares  to  be  roasted,  with  the  rest  that  had 
been  taken.  This  was  done  by  means  of  certain  ovens 
made  for  the  purpose.  Of  each  we  took  a  little  and 
the  remainder  we  gave  to  the  principal  personage  of 
the  people  coming  with  us,  directing  him  to  divide  it 
among  the  rest.  Every  one  brought  his  portion  to  us, 
that  we  might  breathe  upon  and  give  it  our  benedic 
tion  ;  for  not  until  then  did  they  dare  eat  any  of  it. 
Frequently  we  were  accompanied  by  three  or  four 
thousand  persons,  and  as  we  had  to  breathe  upon  and 
sanctify  the  food  and  drink  for  each,  and  grant  permis 
sion  to  do  the  many  things  they  would  come  to  ask, 
it  may  be  seen  how  great  was  the  annoyance.  The 
women  first  brought  us  prickly  pears,  spiders,  worms,  / 

and  whatever  else  they  could  gather ;  for  even  were          II 
they  famishing,  they  would  eat  nothing  unless  we  gave 
it  them.  S 

In  company  with  these,  we  crossed  a  great  river  \S 
coming  from  the  north,4  and  passing  over  some  plains 
thirty  leagues  in  extent,  we  found  many  persons  com 
ing  a  long  distance  to  receive  us,  who  met  us  on  the 
road  over  which  we  were  to  travel,  and  welcomed  us 
in  the  manner  of  those  we  had  left. 

1  From  the  Province  of  Tiguex,  CORONADO  writes  to  the  King  on  the 
20th  of  October,  1541,  respecting  Quivira :  "  The  natives  there  gave 
me  a  piece  of  copper  which  a  principal  Indian  wore  hanging  from  his 
neck.  I  sent  it  to  the  Viceroy  of  New  Spain.  I  have  seen  no  other 
metal  in  the  country  except  this  sample  and  what  is  in  certain  hawk- 
bells  of  copper  I  sent  with  a  little  metal  that  appears  like  gold. .  . ." 

3  A  multitude  of  small  bands  of  warring  savages  are  stated  to  have 
been  found  originally  scattered  over  Texas,  speaking  a  diversity  of 
tongues.  The  friar  BAUTHOLOME  GARCIA  in  a  Manual  para  admin- 

20 


154  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE(?A  DE  VACA. 

istrar  los  Santos  Sacramentos,  printed  in  1760,  composed  in  the  lan 
guage  most  generally  understood  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
says  that  the  Mission  of  San  Antonio,  on  account  of  the  multitude 
converted  and  brought  there  by  the  Franciscans  from  the  country 
about,  had  become  a  perfect  Babel.  Yet,  singularly  enough,  although 
a  grammar  has  also  been  made,  the  name  of  the  language  is  nowhere 
stated,  whence  some  may  suppose  we  have  a  composition  of  several 
dialects,  if  it  were  possible,  as  there  was  an  object  io  having  one 
speech  common  to  all  the  inhabitants  in  which  they  might  be  taught'; 
and  nothing  short  of  a  miracle,  he  gives  us  to  understand,  could 
produce  books  in  all  the  languages.  In  the  enumeration  of  these 
tribes  about  a  century  since,  in  the  unpublished  Memoria  of  the 
Father  JUAN  AUGUSTIN  DE  MORFI  for  the  history  of  Texas,  are  given 
the  names  of  these  inhabitants  of  the  islands  and  the  coast,  some  of 
them  strikingly  like  those  mentioned  by  Cabeca  De  Vaca.  Orden  /.'<  "'. 

8  In  the  year  1590,  Padre  Gonzalo  de  Tapia  was  struck  down  by  a 
sorcerer  with  a  missile  of  this  sort.  The  occurrence  took  place  at 
Dcvoropa,  his  station,  half  a  league  from  the  town  of  Cinaloa.  With 
the  Father  Martin  Perez,  he  had  become  founder  of  the  mission. 
The  act  and  the  weapon  are  both  described  by  a  fellow-laborer. 

"  The  conspirators  agreed  to  make  the  attack  when  he  was  most 
alone.  They  went  to  his  house,  a  little  straw  hut,  while  he  was 
praying  the  rosario  of  the  most  Holy  Virgin.  Nacabeba  entered  as  if 
about  to  kiss  his  hand,  and  followed  by  two  accomplices,  he  threw  a 
'iiiiK-ti/ia,  an  arm  like  a  club,  the  shank  short  and  the  knob  of  very 
hard  wood,  at  the  head  of  the  Father,  struck  him  in  the  temple  and 
broke  the  skull." 

The  ability  to  project,  perceptible  in  the  infant  before  it  leaves  the 
lap,  and  which  the  elephant  exercises,  the  ape  does  not  possess  even 
as  an  acquirement.  The  human  race,  in  countries  far  apart,  and  in 
people  very  opposite,  has  shaped  for  itself  a  diversity  of  aggressive 
implements  corresponding  to  its  epocaof  advancement.  Of  these  the 
boomerang  of  the  savage  Australian,  appears,  as  a  mere  stick,  the 
most  admirable.  The  curved  stick  of  the  bird-hunter  of  the  Nile, 
represented  we  are  told  on  the  older  tombs  of  Thebes,  of  which  real 
exemplars  are  in  the  collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  York, 
shows  how  anciently  it  was  an  instrument  of  hunting  and  pastime  ; 
and  whoever  spends  a  day  at  Tangier  now,  may  see  of  a  morning,  the 
Arab  stripling  about  the  gardens  in  the  suburbs,  darting  sticks  with 
considerable  dexterity  at  the  hare,  as  she  squats  among  the  grass,  or 
dashes  her  way  under  cover  of  the  great  convolvulus,  over  wild  nas 
turtium. 

4  Great  river  coming  from  the  North. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  FASHION  OF  RECEIVING  US  CHANGES. 

From  this  place  was  another  method  of  receiving  us, 
as  respects  the  pillage.  Those  who  came  out  in  the 
ways  to  bring  us  presents  were  not  plundered ;  but 
on  our  coming  into  their  houses,  themselves  offered 
us  all  they  had,  as  well  as  the  houses.*  "We  gave  the 
things  to  the  chief  personages  who  accompanied  Us, 
that  they  should  divide  them ;  those  who  were  de 
spoiled  always  followed  us  until  coming  to  a  populous 
country,  where  they  might  repair  their  loss.  They 
would  tell  those  among  whom  we  came,  to  retain  every 
thing  and  make  no  concealment,  as  nothing  could  be 
done  without  our  knowledge,  and  we  might  cause  them 
to  die,  as  the  sun  revealed  everything  to  us.  So  great 
was  their  fear  that  during  the  first  days  they  were 
with  us,  they  continually  trembled,  without  daring 
even  to  speak,  or  raise  their  eyes  to  the  heavens. 
They  guided  us  through  more  than  fifty  leagues  of 
desert,  over  rough  mountains,  which  being  dry  were 
without  game,  and  in  consequence  we  suffered  much 
from  hunger. 

At  the  termination  we  forded  a  very  large  river,  the 
water  coming  up  to  our  breasts.  From  this  place, 
many  of  the  people  began  to  sicken  from  the  great 


\1 


156  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

privation  and  labor  they  had  undergone  in  the  passage 
of  those  ridges,  which  are  sterile  and  difficult  in  the 
extreme.  They  conducted  us  to  certain  plains  at  the 
base  of  the  mountains,  where  people  came  to  meet  us 
from  a  great  distance,  and  received  us  as  the  last  had 
done,  and  gave  so  many  goods  to  those  who  came 
with  us,  that  the  half  were  left  because  they  could  not 
be  carried.  I  told  those  who  gave,  to  resume  the 
goods  that  they  might  not  lie  there  and  be  lost ;  but 
they  answered  they  could  in  no  wise  do  so,  as  it  was 
not  their  custom  after  they  had  bestowed  a  thing  to 
take  it  back ;  so  considering  the  articles  no  longer  of 
value,  they  were  left  to  perish. 

We  told  these  people  that  we  desired  to  go  where 
the  sun  sets ;  and  they  said  inhabitants  in  that  direc 
tion  were  remote.  "We  commanded  them  to  send  and 
make  known  our  coming ;  but  they  strove  to  excuse 
themselves  the  best  they  could,  the  people  being  their 
enemies,  and  they  did  not  wish  to  go  to  them.  Not 
daring  to  disobey,  however,  they  sent  two  women,  one 
of  their  own,  the  other  a  captive  from  that  people ;  for 
the  women  can  negotiate  even  though  there  be  war. 
We  followed  them  and  stopped  at  a  place  where'  wo 
agreed  to  wait.  They  tarried  five  days ;  and  the  In 
dians  said  they  could  not  have  found  anybody. 

We  told  them  to  conduct  us  towards  the  north ; 
and  they  answered,  as  before,  that  except  afar  off  there 
were  no  people  in  that  direction,  and  nothing  to  eat, 
nor  could  water  be  found.  Notwithstanding  all  this, 
we  persisted,  and  said  we  desired  to  go  in  that  course. 


CABEgA  DE  VAC  A. 

They  still  tried  to  excuse  themselves  in  the  best 
manner  possible.  At  this  we  became  offended,  and 
one  night  I  went  out  to  sleep  in  the  woods  apart  from 
them;  but  directly  they  came  to  where  I  was,  and 
remained  all  night  without  sleep,  talking  to  me  in 
great  fear,  telling  me  how  terrified  they  were,  beseech 
ing  us  to  be  no  longer  angry,  and  said  that  they  would 
lead  us  in  the  direction  it  was  our  wish  to  go,  though 
they  knew  they  should  die  on  the  way.  .  %  % 

Whilst  we  still  feigned  to  be  displeased  lest  their 
fright  should  leave  them,  a  remarkable  circumstance 
happened,  which  was,  that  on  the  same  day  many  of 
the  Indians  became  ill,  and  the  next  day  eight  men 
died.  Abroad  in  the  country  wheresoever  this  be 
came  known,  there  was  such  dread,  and  it  seemed  as  if 
the  inhabitants  would  die  of  fear  at  sight  of  us.  They 
besought  us  not  to  remain  angered,  nor  require  that 
more  of  them  should  die.  They  believed  we  caused 
their  death  by  only  willing  it,  when  in  truth  it  gave 
us  so  much  pain  that  it  could  not  be  greater ;  for  be 
yond  their  loss,  we  feared  they  might  all  die,  or 
abandon  us  of  fright,  and  that  other  people  thence 
forward  would  do  the  same,  seeing  what  had  come  to 
these.1  We  prayed  to  God,  our  Lord,  to  relieve  them ; 
and  from  that  time  the  sick  began  to  get  better. 

We  witnessed  one  thing  with  great  admiration,  that 
the  parents,  brothers  and  wives  of  those  who  died  had 
great  sympathy  for  them  in  their  suffering ;  but  when 
dead,  they  showed  no  feeling,  neither  did  they  weep 
nor  speak  among  themselves,  make  any  signs,  nor  dare 


158         RELATION  OF  ALVAR  XI  NKX 

approach  the  bodies  until  we  commanded  these  to  be 
taken  to  burial. 

While  we  were  among  these  people,  which  was 
more  than  fifteen  days,  we  saw  no  one  speak  to  an 
other,  nor  did  we  see  an  infant  smile :  the  only  one 
that  cried  they  took  off  to  a  distance,  and  with  the 
sharp  teeth  of  a  rat,  they  scratched  it  from  the  shoulders 
down  nearly  to  the  end  of  the  legs.  Seeing  this 
cruelty,  and  offended  at  it,  I  asked  why  they  did  so ; 
they  said  for  chastisement,  because  the  child  had  wept 
in  my  presence.2  These  terrors  they  imparted  to  all 
those  who  had  lately  come  to  know  us,  that  they 
might  give  us  whatever  they  had ;  for  they  knew  we, 
kept  nothing  and  would  relinquish  all  to  them.  This 
people  were  the  most  obedient  we  had  found  in  all 
the  land,  the  best  conditioned,  and  in  general,  comely. 

The  sick  having  recovered,  and  three  days  having 
passed  since  we  came  to  the  place,  the  women  whom 
we  sent  away  returned,  and  said  they  had  found  very 
few  people ;  nearly  all  had  gone  for  cattle,  being  then 
in  the  season.  We  ordered  the  convalescent  to  remain 
and  the  well  to  go  with  us,  and  that  at  the  end  of  two 
days'  journey,  those  women  should  go  with  two  of  our 
number  to  fetch  up  the  people,  and  bring  them  on  the 
road  to  receive  us.  Consequently  the  next  morning 
the  most  robust  started  with  us.  At  the  end  of  three 
days'  travel  we  stopped,  and  the  next  day  Alonzo  del 
Castillo  set  out  with  Estevanico  the  negro,  taking  the 
two  women  as  guides.  She  that  was  the  captive  led 
them  to  the  river  which  ran*  between  some 


CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

where  was  a  town  at  which  her  father  lived ;  and  these 
habitations  were  the  first  seen,  having  the  appearance 
and  structure  of  houses. 

Here  Castillo  and  Estevanico  arrived,  and  after 
talking  with  the  Indians,  Castillo  returned  at  the  end 
of  three  days  to  the  spot  where  he  had  left  us,  and 
brought  five  or  six  of  the  people.  He  told  us  he  had 
found  fixed  dwellings  of  civilization,  that  the  inhabit 
ants  lived  on  beans  and  pumpkins,3  and  that  he  had 
seen  maize.  This  news  the  most  of  anything  delighted 
us,  and  for  it  we  gave  infinite  thanks  to  our  Lord. 
Castillo  told  us  the  negro  was  coming  with  all  the 
population  to  wait  for  us  in  the  road  not  far  off.  Ac 
cordingly  we  left,  and  having  traveled  a  league  and 
a  half,  we  met  the  negro  and  the  people  coming  to 
receive  us.  They  gave  us  beans,  many  pumpkins, 
calabashes,  blankets  of  cowhide  and  other  things. 
As  this  people  and  those  who  came  with  us  were 
enemies,  and  spoke  not  each  other's  language,  we  dis 
charged  the  latter,  giving  them  what  we  received,  and 
we  departed  with  the  others.  Six  leagues  from  there, 
as  the  night  set  in  we  arrived  at  the  houses,  where 
great  festivities  were  made  over  us.  We  remained 
one  day,  and  the  next  set  out  with  these  Indians. 
They  took  us  to  the  settled  habitations  of  others,  who 
lived  upon  the  same  food. 

From  that  place  onward  was  another  usage.  Those 
who  knew  of  our  approach  did  not  come  out  to  re 
ceive  us  on  the  road  as  the  others  had  done,  but  we 
found  them  in  their  houses,  and  they  had  made- others 


160  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

for  our  reception.  They  were  all  seated  with  their 
faces  turned  to  the  wall,  their  heads  down,  the  hair 
brought  before  their  eyes,  and  their  property  placed 
in  a  heap  in  the  middle  of  the  house.  From  this 
place  they  began  to  give  us  many  blankets  of  skin; 
and  they  had  nothing  they  did  not  bestow.  They 
have  the  finest  persons  of  any  people  we  saw,  of  the 
greatest  activity  and  strength,  who  best  understood  us 
and  intelligently  answered  our  inquiries.  We  called 
them  the  Cow  nation,  because  most  of  the  cattle  killed 
are  slaughtered  in  their  neighborhood,  and  along  up 
that  river  for  over  fifty  leagues,  they  destroy  great 
numbers.  , 

They  go  entirely  naked  after  the  manner  of  the  first 
we  saw.  The  women  are  dressed  with  deer  skin,  and 
some  few  men,  mostly  the  aged,  who  are  incapable  of 
fighting.  The  country  is  very  populous.  "We  asked 
how  it  was  they  did  not  plant  maize :  they  answered 
it  was  that  they  might  not  lose  what  they  should  put 
in  the  ground ;  that  the  rains  had  failed  for  two  years 
in  succession,  and  the  seasons  were  so  dry  the  seed  had 
everywhere  been  taken  by  the  moles,  and  they  could 
not  venture  to  plant  again  until  after  water  had  fallen 
copiously.  They  begged  us  to  tell  the  sky  to  rain,  and 
to  pray  for  it,  and  we  said  we  would  do  so.  We  also 
desired  to  know  whence  they  got  the  maize  and  they 
told  us  from  where  the  sun  goes  down  ;  there  it  grew 
throughout  the  region,  and  the  nearest  was  by  that 
path.  Since  they  did  not  wish  to  go  thither,  we  asked 
by  what  direction  we  might  best  proceed  and  bade  them 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

inform  us  concerning  the  way ;  they  said  the  path  was 
along  up  by  that  river  towards  the  north,  for  other 
wise  in  a  journey  of  seventeen  days,  we  should  find 
nothing  to  eat,  except  a  fruit  they  call  chacan,  that 
is  ground  between  stones,  and  even  then,  it  could  with 
difficulty  be  eaten  for  its  dryness  and  pungency,  which 
was  true.  They  showed  it  to  us  there,  and  we  could 
not  eat  it.  They  informed  us  also  that  whilst  we 
traveled  by  the  river  upward,  we  should  all  the  way 
pass  through  a  people  that  were  their  enemies,  who 
spoke  their  tongue,  and  though  they  had  nothing  to 
give  us  to  eat,  they  would  receive  us  with  the  best 
good  will,  and  present  us  with  mantles  of  cotton,  hides 
and  other  articles  of  their  wealth.  Still  it  appeared  to 
them  we  ought  by  no  means  to  take  that  course. 

Doubting  what  it  would  be  best  to  do,  and  which  way 
we  should  choose  for  suitableness  and  support,  we 
remained  two  days  with  these  Indians  who  gave  us  beans 
and  pumpkins  for  our  subsistence.  Their  method 
of  cooking  is  so  new,  that  for  its  strangeness  I  desire  to 
speak  of  it ;  thus  it  may  be  seen  and  remarked  how 
curious  and  diversified  are  the  contrivances  and  inge 
nuity  of  the  human  family.  Not  having  discovered  the 
use  of  pipkins,  to  boil  what  they  would  eat,  they  fill 
the  half  of  a  large  calabash  with  water,  and  throw  on 
the  fire  many  stones  of  such  as  are  most  convenient  and 
readily  take  the  heat.  When  hot,  they  are  taken  up 
with  tongs  of  sticks  and  dropped  into  the  calabash 
until  the  water  in  it  boils  from  the  fervor  of  the  stones. 
Then  whatever  is  to  be  cooked  is  put  in,  and  until  it 
21 


162  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

is  done  they  continue  taking  out  cooled  stones  and 
throwing  in  hot  ones.     Thus  they  boil  their  food. 


ADDENDUM. 

Southward  of  this  line.of  travel  for  the  last  few  days,  ANTONIO  DE 
ESPEJO  led  a  troop  to  the  north  in  November  of  the  yc?ar  1582,  from 
the  mines  of  Santa  Barbara  in  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome.  The 
second  day  he  came  upon  the  Conchos  who  in  good  numbers  were 
living  over  an  extensive  tract  of  country,  in  houses  of  grass,  subsist 
ing  by  agriculture  and  the  chase.  After  passing  among  them  a 
distance  of  more  than  twenty-four  leagues,  he  came  to  the  Passaguates, 
a  similar  people. 

At  the  end  of  other  four  days,  Espejo  found  the  Tobosos,  who  go 
naked  and  use  the  bow.  Twelve  miles  farther  were  the  luinanos, 
whom  the  Spaniards  call  Patarabueyes.  Their  country  is  broad  and 
populous,  containing  many  towns,  well  laid  out.  The  houses  are  of 
stone  and  lime,  with  flat  roofs.  Both  males  and  females  have  the 
face,  arms  and  legs  marked  with  lines.  They  were  of  greater  civility 
than  any  people  seen  until  then,  and  more  robust.  Food  was  abun 
dant,  both  meat  and  grain  ;  fish  was  taken  in  the  streams  flowing  south 
ward.  One  great  river  like  the  Guadalquivir  runs  into  the  North 
sea.  Salt  is  got  in  its  season  from  the  lakes. 

Following  the  shore  of  the  great  river  for  twelve  days,  Espejo 
passed  through  a  constant  succession  of  towns,  one  cacique  after  an 
other  coming  forth  without  arms  to  meet  him,  offering  food  and  pre 
sents,  chiefly  buckskins.  They  were  warlike,  and  their  persons 
entirely  clothed.  Men,  women  and  children  sought  the  friar  and 
soldiers  for  their  blessing,  and  to  have  the  sign  of  the  cross  made 
over  them,  spoke  of  Apcdito,  looked  up  into  the  heavens  and 
pointed  thither.  They  were  asked  whence  came  their  knowledge, 
and  they  said  from  three  white  men  who  went  through  there  with  a 
black,  and  tarried  some  days  with  them. 

Journeying  a  few  days  longer,  Espejo  arrived  at  a  large  town, 
where  he  was  presented  articles  of  many  colored  feather  work,  and 
numerous  cotton  shawls  with  blue  and  white  bars.  Without  an  inter 
preter  he  could  not  ascertain  the  name  of  the  place.  Itenerario  del 
Nuew  Mundo  por  MENDOCA,  1595.  The  Report  of  Espejo  is  extant 
in  the  Patronato  of  the  Lonja,  Sevilla. 

From  the  narration,  Alvar  Nunez  and  his  companions  appear  to 
have  struck  the  river  Bravo  del  Norte  where  the  Conchos  flows  into 


CABECA  DE  VACA. 

it,  coming  from  the  west,  the  lumanos  being  to  the  right  of  them  as 
they  approached  from  the  east,  and  the  Tobosos  on  the  left. 

Of  the  four  nations,  we  know  a  little  of  the  Tobosos  only  ;  they  were 
a  barbarous  people  whose  arms  were  seldom  out  of  their  hands,  who 
constantly  committed  depredations  on  all  sides,  and  were  little  influ 
enced  by  teaching.  OROZCO  Y  BERRA  writes  that  they  were  of  the  kin 
and  tongue  of  the  Apaches,  and  stood  in  the  way  of  their  progress  south, 
but  after  the  extermination  of  that  tribe  which  was  in  the  last  third 
of  the  last  century,  the  Tobosos  extended  their  incursions  thither 
ward,  particularly  over  the  desert  of  Magrimi. 

We  may  infer  that  the  Cow  nation  spoken  of  by  Alvar  Nunez 
was  probably  a  tribe  of  the  Cumanche,  or  perhaps  of  the  Apaches  of 
whom  there  is  a  comprehensive  account  written  in  1796  by  Lt.  Col. 
ANTONIO  CORDERO.  He  reports  their  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  a 
supreme  being  whom  they  call  Tastasitasitan-ne,  Chief  of  the  heavens. 
They  consist  of  nine  principal  bands,  speak  a  common  language,  and 
roam  over  that  region  of  the  continent  between  30°  and  38°  of  North 
latitude  and  between  264°  and  272°  of  longitude  west  from  Teneriffe, 
waging  war  with  the  Cumanche  from  antiquity,  for  supremacy  over 
the  grounds  of  the  bison. — Geografea  de  las  Lenguas  y  Carta  Etno- 
grafia  de  Mexico. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  nation  of  Apaches  I  have  found,  is  made 
by  JUAN  DE  ONATE,  at  San  Juan  of  Nuevo  Mexico,  3d  day  of  March, 
in  the  year  1599,  who  reports: 

"  We  have  seen  other  nations,  the  Querechos  and  Vagueros  living 
in  tents  of  dressed  skin  among  the  herds  of  sibola.  Their  numbers 
are  infinite.  The  Apaches,  of  whom  we  have  also  seen  some,  are  in 
towns.  There  is  one  not  many  leagues  distant  with  fifteen  squares. 
They  have  not  yet  given  in  their  obedience  to  His  Majesty  as  the 
other  Provinces  have  done,  by  instrument  of  writing,  which  has  been 
brought  about  at  the  cost  of  notable  labor,  diligence  and  care,  with 
long  journeys,  and  no  little  circumspection,  vigilance  and  caution." 

An  accompanying  map  shows  San  Juan  to  be  on  the  east  side 
of  the  river  Bravo,  northward  of  Socorro  and  south  of  the  valley 
of  Quarra.  A  chief  of  that  country  in  our  time,  says  the  town  is 
called  by  the  people  Ohque.  Jaramttlo,  a  captain  under  Coronado 
in  the  year  1542,  states  that  on  first  coming  to  the  plains  he 
found  Indians  among  the  bison  who  called  others  Querechos,  or 
People-of-the-flat-roof-houses. 

1  M.  TIIO.  HARIOT  gives  a  like  instance  of  the  effect  of  fear  and 
superstition  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  that  occurred  during  his  stay 
in  Virginia,  in  the  years  1585-6. 


164  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

"  There  could  at  no  time  happen  any  strange  sicknesse,  losses,  hurts, 
or  any  other  crosse  unto  them,  but  what  they  would  impute  to  us 
the  cause  or  means  thereof,  for  offending  or  not  pleasing  us.  One 
other  rare  and  strange  accident,  leaving  others,  will  I  mention  before 
I  end,  which  moved  the  whole  Countrey  that  either  knew  or  heard  of 
us,  to  have  us  in  wonderf  ull  admiration. 

"  There  was  no  towne  where  wee  had  any  subtile  devise  practised 
against  us,  wee  leaving  it  unpunished  or  not  revenged  (because  we 
sought  by  all  meanes  possible  to  win  them  by  gentlenesse),  but  that 
within  a  few  dayes  after  our  departure  from  every  such  Towne,  the 
people  began  to  die  very  fast,  and  many  in  short  space,  in  some 
Townes  about  twentie,  in  some  fourtie,  and  in  one  sixe  score,  which 
in  trueth  was  very  many  in  respect  of  their  numbers.  This  happened 
in  no  place  that  we  could  learne,  but  where  we  had  bin,  where  they 
used  some  practise  against  us,  and  after  such  time.  The  disease 
also  was  so  strange,  that  they  neither  knewe  what  it  was,  nor  how 
to  cure  it,  the  like  by  report  of  the  oldest  men  in  the  Countrey  never 
happened  before,  time  out  of  minde.  A  thinge  specially  observed 
by  us,  as  also  by  the  naturall  inhabitants  themselves.  Insomuch 
that  when  some  of  the  inhabitants  which  were  our  friends,  and  espe 
cially  the  Wiroans  Wingina,  had  observed  such  effects  in  foure  or 
five  Townes  to  followe  their  wicked  practises,  they  were  persuaded 
that  it  was  the  worke  of  our  God  through  our  meanes,  and  that  we  by 
him  might  kill  and  slay  whom  we  would  without  weapons,  and  not 
come  neere  them.  And  thereupon  when  it  had  happened  that  they 
had  understanding  that  any  of  their  enemies  had  abused  us  in  our 
iourneys,  hearing  that  we  had  wrought  no  revenge  with  our  weapons, 
and  fearing  upon  some  cause  the  matter  should  so  rest :  did  come 
and  intreate  us  that  we  would  be  a  meanes  to  our  God  that  they  as 
others  that  had  dealt  ill  with  us  might  in  like  sort  die,  alleadging  how 
much  it  would  bee  for  our  credite  and  profite,  as  also  theirs,  and 
hoping  furthermore  that  we  would  doe  so  much  at  their  requests  in 
respect  of  the  friendship  we  professed  them.  *  *  * 

****  *  *  #  * 

"  This  marvellous  accident  in  all  the  Countrey  wrought  so  strange 
opinions  of  us,  that  some  people  could  not  tell  whether  to  thinke  us 
gods  or  men,  and  the  rather  because  that  all  the  space  of  their  sicknes, 
there  was  no  man  of  ours  knowen  to  die,  or  that  was  specially 
sicke.  .  .  ." — HAKLUYT'S  Voyages  and  Discoveries,  vol.  in,  p.  278. 

9  This  practice,  as  existing  among  the  Muskokes,  is  spoken  of  by 
ROMANS.  They  make  their  boys  "  frequently  undergo  scratching 
from  head  to  foot  through  the  skin,  with  broken  glass  or  garfish  teeth, 
so  as  to  make  them  all  in  a  gore  of  blood,  and  then  wash  them  in 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

cold  water  ;  this  is  with  them  the  arcanum  against  all  diseases  ;  but 
when  they  design  it  as  punishment  to  the  boys,  they  dry  scratch  them, 
(i.e.),  they  apply  no  water  for  the  operation,  which  renders  it  very 
painful." 

In  the  same  manner  Major  CALEB  SWAN  writes  of  the  practice  of 
that  people.  Their  mode  of  correction  is  singular  :  if  a  child  require 
punishment,  the  mother  scratches  its  legs  and  thighs  with  the  point 
of  a  pin  or  needle,  until  it  bleeds ;  some  keep  the  jaw  bone  of  a  gar 
fish,  having  two  teeth,  entirely  for  that  purpose. — Schooler  of t's  Indian 
Tribes,  vol.  v. 

*  The  slowness  with  which  some  American  fruits  and  vegetables 
have  come  into  use  among  Europeans,  contrasts  with  the  rapidity 
with  which  some  from  there  have  spread  into  the  remotest  Indian 
fields  of  this  country.  Supposing  the  pumpkin,  an  exotic  to  the  new 
world,  to  have  been  brought  to  the  coast  of  Mexico  by  the  first  dis 
coverers,  and  introduced  into  the  interior  from  Veracruz  by  the  most 
probable  route,  through  the  capital  northward  to  the  river  Conchos, 
down  to  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Grande,  near  the  site  of  Presidio 
del  Norte,  where  we  now  deem  ourselves  to  be  in  this  narrative,  and 
in  the  month  of  March,  1536,  the  seed  will  be  found  to  have  traveled, 
notwithstanding  wars,  hostile  nations  and  barbarous  tribes,  through 
eight  degrees  of  longitude  and  ten  and  a  half  of  latitude,  at  the  rate 
sixty  miles  a  year.  Eight  summers  before,  the  vegetable  had  been 
found  in  abundance  by  the  soldiers  of  Narvaez  at  Aute,  and  not  im 
probably  it  was  known  at  that  time  to  the  native  in  nearly  every 
part  of  the  northern  continent  where  the  earth  was  tilled  and  the 
vine  would  grow.  The  army  that  the  Viceroy  sent  from  Mexico  to 
Cibola  in  the  year  1542,  found  the  melon  already  there. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

OF  OUR  TAKING  THE  WAY  TO  THE  MAIZE. 

Two  days  being  spent  while  we  tarried,  we  resolved 
to  go  in  search  of  the  maize.  "We  did  not  wish  to 
follow  the  path  leading  to  where  the  cattle  are,  because 
it  is  towards  the  north,  and  for  us  very  circuitous,  since 
we  ever  held  it  certain,  that  going  towards  the  sunset 
we  must  find  what  we  desired. 

Thus  we  took  our  way,  and  traversed  all  the  country 
until  coming  out  at  the  South  sea.  Nor  was  the  dread 
we  had  of  the  sharp  hunger  through  which  we  should 
have  to  pass,  (as  in  verity  we  did,  throughout  the 
seventeen  days'  journey  of  which  the  natives  spoke,) 
sufficient  to  hinder  us.  During  all  that  time,  in 
ascending  by  the  river,  they  gave  us  many  coverings 
of  cowhide ;  but  we  did  not  eat  of  the  fruit.  Our  sus 
tenance  each  day  was  about  a  handful  of  deer-suet, 
which  we  had  a  long  time  been  used  to  saving  for 
such  trials.  Thus  we  passed  the  entire  journey  of 
seventeen  days,  and  at  the  close  we  crossed  the  river 
and  traveled  other  seventeen  days. 

As  the  sun  went  down,  upon  some  plains  that  lie 
between  chains  of  very  great  mountains,  we  found  a 
people  who  for  the  third  part  of  the  year  eat  nothing 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

but  the  powder  of  straw,1  and  that  being  the  season 
when  we  passed,  we  also  had  to  eat  of  it,  until  reaching 
permanent  habitations,  where  was  abundance  of  maize 
brought  together.  They  gave  us  a  large  quantity  in 
grain  and  flour,  pumpkins,  beans  and  shawls  of  cotton. 
With  all  these  we  loaded  our  guides,  who  went  back 
the  happiest  creatures  on  earth.  "We  gave  thanks  to 
God,  our  Lord,  for  having  brought  us  where  we  had 
found  so  much  food. 

Some  houses  are  of  earth,  the  rest  all  of  cane  mats. 
From  this  point  we  marched  through  more  than  a 
hundred  leagues  of  country,  and  continually  found 
settled  domicils  with  plenty  of  maize  and  beans.  The 
people  gave  us  many  deer  and  cotton  shawls  better 
than  those  of  New  Spain,  many  beads  and  certain 
corals  found  on  the  South  sea,  and  tine  turquoises 
that  come  from  the  North.2  Indeed  they  gave  us  every 
thing  they  had.  To  me  they  gave  five  emeralds  made 
into  arrow-heads,  which  they  use  at  their  singing  and 
dancing.  They  appeared  to  be  very  precious.  I  asked 
whence  they  got  these ;  and  they  said  the  stones  were 
brought  from  some  lofty  mountains  that  stand  towards 
the  north,  where  were  populous  towns  and  very  large 
houses,  and  that  they  were  purchased  with  plumes  and 
the  feathers  of  parrots. 

Among  this  people  the  women  are  treated  with 
more  decorum  than  in  any  part  of  the  Indias  we  had 
visited.  They  wear  a  shirt  of  cotton  that  falls  as  low 
as  the  knee,  and  over  it  half  sleeves  with  skirts  reach 
ing  to  the  ground,  made  of  dressed  deer  skin.  It 


168  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

opens  in  front  and  is  brought  close  with  straps  of 
leather.  They  soap  this  with  a  certain  root  that 
cleanses  well,  by  which  they  are  enabled  to  keep  it 
becomingly.  Shoes  are  worn.  The  people  all  came 
to  us  that  we  should  touch  and  bless  them,  they  being 
very  urgent,  which  we  could  accomplish  .only  with 
great  labor,  for  sick  and  well  all  wished  to  go  with  a 
benediction.  Many  times  it  occurred  that  some  of 
the  women  who  accompanied  us  gave  birth ;  and  so 
soon  as  the  children  were  born  the  mothers  would 
bring  them  to  us  that  we  should  touch  and  bless  them. 

These  Indians  ever  accompanied  us  until  they  deli 
vered  us  to  others ;  and  all  held,  full  faith  in  our 
coming  from  heaven.  While  traveling  we  went  with 
out  food  all  day  until  night,  and  we  ate  so  little  as  to 
astonish  them.  We  never  felt  exhaustion,  neither 
were  we  in  fact  at  all  weary,  so  inured  were  we  to 
hardship.  We  possessed  great  influence  and  authority : 
to  preserve  both  we  seldom  talked  with  them.  The 
negro  was  in  constant  conversation ;  he  informed  him 
self  about  the  ways  we  wished  to  take,  of  the  towns 
there  were,  and  the  matters  we  desired  to  know. 

We  passed  through  many  and  dissimilar  tongues. 
Our  Lord  granted  us  favor  with  the  people  who 
spoke  them,  for  they  always  understood  us,  and  we 
them.  We  questioned  them  and  received  their  an 
swers  by  signs,  just  as  if  they  spoke  our  language  and 
we  theirs ;  for  although  we  knew  six  languages,  we 
could  not  everywhere  avail  ourselves  of  them,  there 
being  a  thousand  differences. 


CABECA  DE  VACA. 

Throughout  all  these  countries  the  people  who  were 
at  war  immediately  made  friends,  that  they  might 
come  to  meet  us,  and  bring  what  they  possessed.  In 
this  way  we  left  all  the  land  at  peace,  and  we  taught 
all  the  inhabitants  by  signs,  which  they  understood, 
that  in  heaven  was  a  Man  we  called  God,  who  had 
created  the  sky  and  the  earth ;  him  we  worshiped 
and  had  for  our  master;  that  we  did  what  he  com 
manded  and  from  his  hand  came  all  good ;  and  would 
they  do  as  we  did,  all  would  be  well  with  them.  So 
ready  of  apprehension  we  found  them,  that  could  we 
have  had  the  use  of  language  by  which  to  make  our 
selves  perfectly  understood,  we  should  have  left  them  all 
Christians.  Thus  much  we  gave  them  to  understand 
the  best  we  could.  And  afterward,  when  the  sun  rose, 
they  opened  their  hands  together  with  loud  shouting 
towards  the  heavens,  and  then  drew  them  down  all 
over  their  bodies.  They  did  the  same  again  when  the 
sun  went  down.  They  are  a  people  of  good  condi 
tion  and  substance,  capable  in  any  pursuit.3 

1 "  The  Apaches  make  likewise  a  kind  of  cemola  (cracked  wheat), 
or  pinole  the  seed  of  straw  or  grass,  which  they  tediously  gather  at 
harvest  time,  and  in  small  quantities,  they  not  being  husbandmen." 
Report  of  Lt.  Col.  CORDEIRO  in  the  year  1796. 

The  plains  spoken  of,  according  to  the  latest  maps  must  be  the 
region  between  the  Sierra  of  Barrigon  and  the  Cordillera  of  the  An 
des.  According  to  the  ethnographic  map  of  Mexico  by  OROZCO  Y 
BERRA,  the  Spaniards  in  going  westward  from  Presidio  del  Norte, 
had  traversed  the  northern  portion  of  the  territory  of  the  Concho  In 
dians,  the  southern  edge  of  the  Apache,  the  northern  of  the  Taraumar, 
the  southern  of  the  Opata,  and  are  now  entering  on  the  north-eastern 
end  of  the  Pima  Bajo,  of  whom  the  writer  has  begun  to  speak.  The 


170  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

route  is  curving  south-westwardly ;  they  will  soon  be  upon  an  ex 
treme  branch  of  the  river  Yakinie. 

4  The  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Art  for  March,  1858,  con 
tains  an  account  of  the  interesting  region  whence  probably  came 
these  turquoises,  the  character  of  the  stone  in  which  such  are  found, 
and  their  chemical  elements.  The  writer,  W.  P.  BLAKE,  states  that 
they  are  got  by  digging  in  sandstone  or  granular  porphyry  among 
Los  Cerillos,  a  group  of  conical  peaks  in  a  mountainous  tract,  lying 
twenty  miles  south-east  of  Santa  Fe,  to  the  north  of  the  Placer  ridges, 
from  which  they  are  separated  by  the  intervening  valley  of  the 
Galisteo.  The  Professor  describes  seemingly  the  most  ancient  of  the 
cavities  whence  are  derived  these  Indian  gems,  to  be  much  the 
greatest,  and  "  the  work  of  the  aborigines  long  before  the  conquest 
and  settlement  of  the  country,"  and  apparently  two  hundred  feet 
deep  with  three  hundred  or  more  in  diameter.  The  sides  around  of 
projecting  crag,  bear  in  their  fissures  a  growth  of  shrubs  and  trees  ; 
on  the  fragments  at  the  bottom,  gray  with  age,  are  standing  pines, 
the  development  of  a  century.  Thousands  of  tons  of  stone,  bear 
ing  no  indication  of  containing  ore,  have  been  broken  out  of  the  solid 
mass  and  removed. 

The  largest  piece  of  this  "  chalchinite,"  as  it  is  called  by  the  Nava- 
jos,  picked  up  by  the  explorer,  measured  three-quarters  of  an  inch  in 
length  by  one  in  thickness.  It  is  generally  found  in  the  lining  of 
seams,  though  discoverable  in  nodules  and  also  in  the  body  of  the 
rock ;  the  color  is  in  shades  of  apple  or  pea  green,  passing  into 
blue,  the  latter  perhaps  the  result  of  decomposition.  The  mineral  is 
apparently  the  result  of  infiltration.  The  constituents  are  nearly  the 
same  as  those  of  the  Persian  turquoise. 

Beneath  the  towering  rocks,  which  on  one  side  overhang  the  ex 
cavation,  forming  a  recess  where  lie  an  accumulation  of  ashes  that 
mark  numberless  camp-fires  made  by  the  Indians  who  still  resort 
there  for  the  coveted  gem,  is  the  spot  whence  the  traveler  overlooks 
the  great  pit  covered  with  ancient  growth.  Turning  north-t-ast- 
wardly,  the  expanse  of  plain  slopes  towards  Santa  Fe  ;  beyond  it 
rise  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  Stony  mountains  ;  on  the  west  and  south 
west  the  country  opens  towards  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  the  mono 
tony  of  the  extensive  area  between,  being  relieved  by  the  solitary  emi 
nences  of  Zandia  and  Albuquerque. 

Tla^otett  is  the  Nahual  or  Mexican  word  for  precious  stone,  from 
tla^otl,  strung,  and  tetl,  stone  ;  but  chalchiuitl  defined  by  MOLINA  to  be 
coarse  or  false  emerald,  "  emeralda  basta,"  appears  to  be  the  word  in 
use  for  stones  in  general  of  value.  Thus  ehalclmihiximntqui  signifies 


CABECA  DE  VACA. 

lapidary.  The  meaning  of  chalchi  being  nowhere  discoverable,  it  may 
be  thought  to  be  of  foreign  origin.  Xiuitl,  besides  grass,  means  tur 
quoise  ;  xiuhtic,  color  of  turquoise.  Quetzalitztli,  emerald,  is  from 
quetzalli  a  rich  green  plume  and  ytz  tetl  knife-stone,  obsidian. 

*  Pitchlynn  once  said  in  conversation  respecting  usages  existing 
among  Indians  similar  to  those  spoken  of  by  Alvar  Nunez  : 

"  In  December  of  the  year  1828,  then  in  my  twenty-second  year,  I 
was  sent  a  commissioner  from  the  Chahtas  to  the  Osages,  Wa-sha-she, 
to  make  peace  at  White-hairs  village,  west  of  Missouri  state,  on  the 
Ne-osho,  Clear-water  river.  A  state  of  war  had  existed  between  our 
nations  from  time  immemorial.  There  I  noticed  this  method  of 
singing  and  weeping  every  morning  and  eve,  a  species  of  worship 
performed  by  the  men.  They  sing  a  mournful,  melancholy  song, 
growing  louder  and  louder,  breaking  into  a  full,  wild  cry.  In  the 
same  way  they  sing  on  going  into  battle.  That  such  is  the  custom 
of  the  Osage  is  proverbial  everywhere  among  Indians ;  and  they  are 
the  only  people  I  have  ever  heard  of  as  practicing  it.  So  far  as  I 
know  their  history  they  have  never  lived  south  of  the  Arkansas,  though 
in  their  war  and  hunting  excursions  they  may  have  roamed  to  Red 
river,  the  Oka-homa  of  the  Chahta. 

"  I  found  the  language  of  signs  all  over  the  plains,  west  of  the 
Mississippi ;  but  to  the  east  of  the  river,  I  do  not  know  that  it  has 
ever  been  in  use.  It  appears  to  be  an  almost  natural  system,  in 
which  the  Indians,  however  strangers  to  each  other,  express  them 
selves  when  they  meet,  with  great  rapidity  and  fullness. 

"  From  all  I  have  seen  and  can  understand  of  the  Indians  who  once 
inhabited  the  portions  of  country  covered  by  the  southern  states  of 
the  Union,  they  appear  to  have  been  originally  worshipers  of  the 
sun.  The  Chahta  when  he  has  greatly  misbehaved,  utters  these  ejacu 
lations  :  When  the  sun  forsakes  a  man  he  will  do  things  he  never 
thought  to  do !  The  sun  is  turned  against  me,  therefore  have  I  come 
to  this !  On  the  garments  and  tents  of  some  Comanches  I  once  met 
in  an  excursion  to  the  western  prairies,  were  pictures  of  the  hand, 
the  symbol  to  me  of  friendship  and  greeting.  The  band  had  an 
image  of  the  sun  with  them,  which  they  presented  to  him  when  he 
rose,  turned  it  as  he  advanced  and  withdrew  at  his  setting.  A  speech 
in  council  among  us  was  apt  to  be  begun  in  this  way :  '  We  have 
come  together  from  different  parts  and  clasped  hands.'  Over  the 
doors  of  deserted  edifices  about  the  Stony  mountains,  I  am  told  the 
hand  is  sometimes  found  drawn  and  colored  red.  I,  as  an  Indian, 
understand  that  sign  to  mean  salutation  to  the  sun,  and  suppose  those 
who  placed  it  there  to  have  been  its  worshipers." 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

THE  INDIANS  GIVE  US  THE  HEARTS  OF   DEER. 

In  the  town  where  the  emeralds  were  presented  to 
us,  the  people  gave  Dorantes  over  six  hundred  open 
hearts  of  deer.1  They  ever  keep  a  good  supply  of  them 
for  food,  and  we  called  the  place  Pueblo  de  los  Cora- 
zones.  It  is  the  entrance  into  many  provinces  on  the 
South  sea.2  They  who  go  to  look  for  them  and  do 
not  enter  there,  will  be  lost.  On  the  coast  is  no  maize : 
the  inhabitants  eat  the  powder  of  rush  and  of  straw,  and 
fish  that  is  caught  in  the  sea  from  rafts  not  having 
canoes.  With  grass  and  straw  the  women  cover  their 
nudity.3  They  are  a  timid  and  dejected  people. 

We  think  that  near  the  coast  by  way  of  those  towns 
through  which  we  came,  are  more  than  a  thousand 
leagues  of  inhabited  country,  plentiful  of  subsistence. 
Three  times  the  year  it  is  planted  with  maize  and 
beans.  Deer  are  of  three  kinds ;  one  the  size  of  the 
young  steer  of  Spain.  There  are  innumerable  houses, 
such  as  are  called  bahios.  They  have  poison  from  a 
certain  tree  the  size  of  the  apple.  For  effect,  no  more 
is  necessary  than  to  pluck  the  fruit  and  moisten  the 
arrow  with  it,  or  if  there  be  no  fruit,  to  break  a  twig 
and  with  the  milk  do  the  like.  The  tree  is  abundant 
and  so  deadly  that  if  the  leaves  be  bruised  and  steeped 


EELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEQA  DE  VACA. 

in  some  neighboring  water,  the  deer  and  other  animals 
drinking  it  soon  burst.4 

We  were  in  this  town  three  days.  A  day's  journey 
farther  was  another  town,  at  which  the  rain  fell  heavily 
while  we  were  there,  and  the  river  became  so  swollen 
we  could  not  cross  it,  which  detained  us  fifteen  days.  In 
this  time  Castillo  saw  the  buckle  of  a  sword-belt  on  the 
neck  of  an  Indian  and  stitched  to  it  the  nail  of  a  horse 
shoe.  He  took  them,  and  we  asked  the  native  what 
they  were :  he  answered  that  they  came  from  heaven. 
We  questioned  him  further,  as  to  who  had  brought 
them  thence :  they  all  responded,  that  certain  men 
who  wore  beards  like  us,  had  come  from  heaven  and 
arrived  at  that  river;  bringing  horses,  lances,  and 
swords,  and  that  they  had  lanced  two  Indians.  In  a 
manner  of  the  utmost  indifference  we  could  feign,  we 
asked  them  what  had  become  of  those  men :  they 
answered  us  that  they  had  gone  to  sea,  putting  their 
lances  beneath  the  water,  and  going  themselves  also 
under  the  water;  afterwards  that  they  were  seen  on 
the  surface  going  towards  the  sunset.5  For  this  we 
gave  many  thanks  to  God  our  Lord.  We  had  before  de 
spaired  of  ever  hearing  more  of  Christians.  Even  yet 
we  were  left  in  great  doubt  and  anxiety,  thinking 
those  people  were  merely  persons  who  had  come  by 
sea  on  discoveries.  However,  as  we  had  now  such 
exact  information,  we  made  greater  speed,  and  as  we 
advanced  on  our  way,  the  news  of  the  Christians  con 
tinually  grew.  We  told  the  natives  that  we  were 
going  in  search  of  that  people,  to  order  them  not  to  kill 


174  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

nor  make  slaves  of  them,  nor  take  them  from  their 
lands,  nor  do  other  injustice.  Of  this  the  Indians  were 
very  glad. 

We  passed  through  many  territories  and  found  them 
all  vacant :  their  inhabitants  wandered  fleeing  among 
the  mountains,  without  daring  to  have  hoitees  or  till 
the  earth  for  fear  of  Christians.  The  sight  was  one  of 
infinite  pain  to  us,  a  land  very  fertile  and  beautiful, 
abounding  in  springs  and  streams,  the  hamlets  deserted 
and  burned,  the  people  thin  and  weak,  all  fleeing  or  in 
concealment.  As  they  did  not  plant,  they  appeased 
their  keen  hunger  by  eating  roots,  and  the  bark  of 
trees.  We  bore  a  share  in  the  famine  along  the  whole 
way ;  for  poorly  could  these  unfortunates  provide  for 
us,  themselves  being  so  reduced  they  looked  as  though 
they  would  willingly  die.  They  brought  shawls  of  those 
they  had  concealed  because  of  the  Christians,  present 
ing  them  to  us ;  and  they  related  how  the  Christians,  at 
other  times  had  come  through  the  land  destroying  and 
burning  the  towns,  carrying  away  half  the  men,  and 
all  the  women  and  the  boys,  while  those  who  had  been 
able  to  escape  were  wandering  about  fugitives.  We 
found  them  so  alarmed  they  dared  not  remain  any 
where.  They  would  not,  nor  could  they  till  the  earth ; 
but  preferred  to  die  rather  than  live  in  dread  of  such 
cruel  usage  as  they  received.  Although  these  showed 
themselves  greatly  delighted  with  us,  we  feared  that 
on  our  arrival  among  those  who  held  the  frontier  and 
fought  against  the  Christians,  they  would  treat  us 
badly,  and  revenge  upon  us  the  conduct  of  their  ene- 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  175 

mies ;  but  when  God  our  Lord  was  pleased  to  bring 
us  there,  they  began  to  dread  and  respect  us  as  the 
others  had  done,  and  even  somewhat  more,  at  which 
we  no  little  wondered.  Thence  it  may  at  once  be 
seen,  that  to  bring  all  these  people  to  be  Christians  and 
to  the  obedience  of  the  Imperial  Majesty,  they  must 
be  won  by  kindness,  which  is  a  way  certain,  and  no 
other  is. 

They  took  us  to  a  town  on  the  edge  of  a  range  of 
mountains,  to  which  the  ascent  is  over  difficult  crags. 
We  found  many  people  there  collected  out  of  fear  of 
the  Christians.  They  received  us  well  and  presented 
us  all  they  had.  They  gave  us  more  than  two  thou 
sand  back-loads  of  maize,  which  we  gave  to  the  dis 
tressed  and  hungered  beings  who  guided  us  to  that 
place.  The  next  day  we  dispatched  four  messengers 
through  the  country,  as  we  were  accustomed  to .  do, 
that  they  should  call  together  all  the  rest  of  the  Indians 
at  a  town  distant  three  days'  march.  We  set  out  the 
day  after  with  all  the  people.  The  tracks  of  the 
Christians  and  marks  where  they  slept  were  continu 
ally  seen.  At  midday  we  met  our  messengers,  who 
told  us  they  had  found  no  Indians,  that  they  were 
roving  and  hiding  in  the  forests,  fleeing  that  the 
Christians  might  not  kill  nor  make  them  slaves ;  the 
night  before,  they  had  observed  the  Christians  from 
behind  trees,  and  discovered  what  they  were  about, 
carrying  away  many  people  in  chains. 

Those  who  came  with  us  were  alarmed  at  this  intel 
ligence  ;  some  returned  to  spread  the  news  over  the 


176  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

land  that  the  Christians  were  coming;  and  many 
more  would  have  followed,  had  we  not  forbidden  it 
and  told  them  to  cast  aside  their  fear,  when  they  reas 
sured  themselves  and  were  well  content.  At  the  time, 
we  had  Indians  with  us  belonging  a  hundred  leagues 
behind,  and  we  were  in  no  condition  to  discharge 
them,  that  they  might  return  to  their  homes.  To 
encourage  them,  we  staid  there  that  night ;  the  day 
after  we  marched  and  slept  on  the  road.  The  follow 
ing  day,  those  whom  we  had  sent  forward  as  mes 
sengers,  guided  us  to  the  place  where  they  had  seen 
Christians.  We  arrived  in  the  afternoon,  and  saw 
at  once  that  they  told  the  truth.  "We  perceived  that 
the  persons  were  mounted,  by  the  stakes  to  which  the 
horses  had  been  tied. 

From  this  spot,  called  the  river  Petutan,  to  the 
river  to  which  Diego  de  Guzmdn  came,  where  we 
heard  of  Christians,6  may  be  as  many  as  eighty  leagues ; 
thence  to  the  town,  where  the  rains  overtook  us, 
twelve  leagues,  and  that  is  twelve  leagues  from  the 
South  sea.  Throughout  this  region,  wheresoever  the 
mountains  extend,  we  saw  clear  traces  of  gold  and 
lead,  iron,  copper,  and  other  metals.  Where  the 
settled  habitations  are,  the  climate  is  hot ;  even  in 
January,  the  weather  is  very  warm.  Thence  toward 
the  meridian,  the  country  unoccupied  to  the  North  sea, 
is  unhappy  and  sterile.  There  we  underwent  great  and 
incredible  hunger.  Those  who  inhabit  and  wander 
over  it,  are  a  race  of  evil  inclination  and  most  cruel 
customs.  The  people  of  the  fixed  residences  and  those 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 


177 


beyond,  regard  silver  and  gold  with  indifference,  nor 
can  they  conceive  of  any  use  for  them. 

1  These   passages  are  translated  from   an  unpublished   work  by 
FRIAR  BARTOLOME  DE  LAS  CASAS. 

"  The  hearts  I  incline  to  think  are  used  by  the  people  of  these 
Provinces  as  offerings  rather  than  for  food.  It  is  stated  by  those  who 
have  written,  though  not  by  Cabeca  de  Vaca  in  his  personal  narrative 
that  when  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  the  town,  the  people  of  the  vici 
nage  were  making  merry  in  the  celebration  of  a  festival  thus  de 
scribed  : 

"  They  bring  numerous  deer,  wolves,  hares  and  birds  before  a  great 
idol,  playing  on  many  flutes  with  other  instruments  they  have,  and 
opening  the  animals  through  the  middle  take  out  the  hearts,  which 
they  suspend  about  the  neck  of  the  image,  wetting  it  with  the  flowing 
blood.  It  is  certain  that  in  all  this  Province  of  the  Valley  of  Sonora 
the  only  offering  made,  was  the  hearts  of  brutes.  There  are  two  occa 
sions  of  festivity,  one  at  seedtime,  the  other  at  harvest,  when  sacri 
fices  are  offered  with  great  rejoicing,  ceremonial  and  devotion.  *  *  * 

"  A  friar,  whom  I  knew  well,  Marcos  de  Nica  of  the  Order  of  Saint 
Francis,  on  coming  to  Sonora  entered  the  chief  and  principal  town, 
where  the  lord  of  the  valley  came  out  to  receive  him,  and  extending 
his  hands  towards  him,  rubbed  them  everywhere  over  his  own  per 
son.  Passing  that  place,  in  another  town  of  the  Valley,  six  leagues 
distant,  in  the  direction  of  Civola  was  the  principal  oratory  where 
Chicamastli,  king  and  lord  of  the  country  went  to  make  his  offerings. 
In  a  very  high  temple  of  stone  laid  in  mortar,  (of  which  we  made 
mention  when  writing  of  temples)  was  a  statue  covered  with  blood, 
having  the  hearts  of  numerous  animals  about  its  neck.  Near  the 
stone  image  were  many  bodies  of  men  placed  about  the  walls,  with 
the  brains  and  entrails  taken  out.  These  must  have  been  the  persons 
of  the  former  lords  of  the  valley,  and  that  place  their  sepulchre." 
Historia  Apologetica  de  las  Tndias  Occidentals .  Tomo  III,  Cap.  168. 

2  BENAVIDES  thus  writes  of  this  Town  of  Hearts  in  the  year  1630  : 
"  Leaving  the  town  of  Chiametla,  and  journeying  eighty  leagues  to 

the  north,  coasting  and  keeping  ever  near  to  the  South  sea,  the 
traveler  strikes  the  Valley  of  Senora,  which  is  sixty  leagues  long 
by  ten  wide.  Through  the  midst  passes  a  very  broad  river,  having 
upon  its  banks  a  country  of  fruitful  fields  and  many  towns.  The 
first  town  is  called  Corazones,  for  the  many  hearts  of  deer  that  the 
people  there  upon  a  time  gave  to  ours.  The  place  consists  of  seven 
23 


178  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

hundred  well  arranged  houses :  the  temperature  is  delightful." 
Memorial,  p.  101. 

The  Indian  name  of  the  town  is  Tekora.  The  people  are  the  Ne- 
vome,  a  nation  of  the  Pima.  The  language  they  speak  is  the  Heve 
or  Eudeve,  in  which  a  grammar  and  dictionary  exist,  composed  by  a 
Spanish  missionary. 

Father  fthtoe  in  writing  of  the  march  of  Coronado  from  the  south 
to  invade 

"  In  May  theBtee  left  Culiacan,  and  in  four  days' journey  arrived  at 
the  river  PetatlaWBience  in  three  at  the  Zuaque,  called  then  Cinaloa. 
From  here  the  Gen?»  sent  ten  cavalry,  that  with  double  speed  they 
should  come  to  the  Aitroyo  de  Cedros,  (Cedar  stream)  whence  they 
should  go  to  the  north-east  by  an  opening  there  is  through  the  moun 
tains  in  that  direction.  Following  this  course  they  arrived  at  the 
stream  and  valley  of  Corazones,  a  name  given  by  the  companions  of  Al- 
varo  Nunez.  This  rivulet  we  think  may  be  that  which  running  from 
west  to  east,  empties  into  a  stream  known  as  Mulatos  on  the  bank  of 
which  is  now  the  town  of  Yecora.  What  is  certain  is,  the  valley  of 
Corazones,  and  the  river  were  on  the  confines  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  as 
all  accounts  state.  In  the  manuscripts  we  read  that  a  town  was  here 
founded  with  forty-seven  Spaniards,  which  was  called  Pueblo  de  los 
Corazoues,  of  which  Diego  de  Alcaraz  was  Alcalde  and  Chief  magis 
trate,  a  man  haughty  and  inhuman."  Historia  de  la  Compallia  de 
Jesus  en  Nueva  Espafta  por  el  Padre  FRANCISCO  JAVIER  ALEGRE. 
Torno  I,  p.  237. 

3  Gen.  Carles  P.  Stone  has  made  for  me  an  elaborate  map  of  a  wide 
extent  of  this  country,  from  his  personal  observations  and  surveys. 
From  his  letters,  full  of  exact  information,  I  take  the  liberty  to 
offer  excerpta. 

"  The  coast  of  Sonora,  from  a  short  distance  north  of  Guaymas  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  is  a  picture  of  barrenness.  The  only  vege 
table  substances  that  I  know  of  growing  in  that  region  are  a  root 
called  by  the  natives  'saya/  somewhat  resembling  the  Jerusalem 
artichoke,  and  some  species  of  the  cactus.  The  Indians  referred  to 
were  the  Ceris.  They  are  now  much  reduced  in  numbers  and  live 
almost  exclusively  on  fish.  They  build  very  curious  rafts,  forming 
them  of  bundles  of  wild  cane  lashed  together  skillfully,  giving  them 
the  shape  of  a  long  canoe,  but  making  them  solid  in  order  to  avail 
themselves  as  much  as  possible  of  the  buoyancy  of  the  cane.  The 
women  cover  their  nakedness  by  mats  of  grass.  The  grass  is  twisted 
into  cords.  They  wear  two  mats,  one  before  and  one  behind,  held  in 
place  by  a  cord  run  through  the  two  and  fastened  over  the  hips." 


CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

Since  the  historian  of  Cinaloa  a  century  later  than  Alvar  Nunez,  has 
represented  that  these  inhabitants  of  the  coast  of  Sonora,  the  Ceri 
doubtless,  were  in  a  state  of  savagery  greater  than  that  of  the  human 
race  anywhere  else,  it  may  be  well  to  repeat  briefly  what  he  de 
scribes,  as  a  comparison  of  their  condition  with  that  of  the  Mariaine 
with  whom  we  have  just  been  made  acquainted  on  the  shores  of  Texas, 
under  nearly  the  same  parallels. 

These  people  of  the  western  shore  lived  among  the  sands,  subsist 
ing  on  little  animals,  locusts  and  reptiles,  with  the  grass-seed  that 
grows  below  tide  water.  Fish  is  their  bread,  which  dried  with  salt, 
is  their  sole  food  the  greater  part  of  the  year.  The  pitahaya  covers 
districts  two,  four  and  even  six  leagues  in  extent.  The  best  fruit 
comes  in  dry  soil,  like  the  coast,  where  rain  seldom  falls.  The  season 
of  this  prickly  pear  lasts  two  months. 

If  the  native  should  desire  shelter  from  rain,  he  gathers  an  armful 
of  long  straw  or  stalks,  ties  it  at  the  top,  then  seating  himself,  opens 
and  puts  it  over  his  head,  so  that  it  covers  his  person  like  a  thatch 
roof.  This  for  him  is  an  impervious  cap,  coat,  and  field-camp,  though 
the  rain  should  pour  the  night  through.  His  protection  is  no  better 
against  the  burning  rays  of  the  sun  as  they  fall  in  this  climate.  A 
few  branches  of  trees  driven  into  the  ground,  afford  a  shade  under 
which  these  Indians  live.  There  is"  no  contrivance  for  the  naked 
body  against  winds.  In  some  severe  nights  of  December  and  Janu 
ary  they  make  fires,  sitting  near  on  the  cold  ground.  In  this  way 
they  travel  the  desert,  building  fires  in  row  a  little  way  apart,  and 
reposing  a  while  at  each.  If  a  single  person  only  have  this  fancy  to 
journey  four  or  six  leagues  of  a  night,  however  rigorous  the  weather, 
he  uses  a  burning  brand  applying  it  near  the  stomach  while  the  rest 
of  the  body  goes  free  to  the  air. 

This  remarkable  people,  as  well  as  those  living  in  the  rough  districts 
among  briars  and  bushes,  are  in  much  smaller  number  than  the  hus 
bandmen  of  the  country,  to  whose  towns  they  resort  hi  common,  to 
exchange  fish  for  maize  when  it  is  in  season.  Although  they  live  in 
this  manner,  they  are  of  greater  stature  than  any  of  the  people  of 
New  Spain  or  even  of  Europe,  are  quick  and  nimble  in  their  move 
ment,  and,  what  appears  strange,  are  very  corpulent.  On  that  poor 
diet  they  survive  even  into  decrepitude ;  yet  are  they  more  content 
than  if  they  possessed  the  abundance  and  accommodation  of  palaces. 
Such  is  the  early  testimony  of  RIBAS,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  II,  p.  7. 

Alvar  Nunez  remarked  the  symmetry  and  great  size  of  the  natives 
among  whom  he  resided  on  the  coast  of  Texas,  even  the  comeliness  of 
one  of  the  nations,  as  well  as  their  extraordinary  hardihood  and  capa- 


180  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

bility  of  abstaining  from  food.  These  result  he  believes  both  from 
nature  and  habit.  In  their  circumstances  he  declares  them  to  be  a 
cheerful  people.  With  more  limited  resources  for  obtaining  aliment, 
they  undoubtedly  experienced  a  greater  extremity  of  hunger  than 
those  of  the  west.  Like  them  they  went  entirely  naked,  and  got  in 
toxicated  together,  with  every  opportunity. 

Destroying  female  children  at  birth,  obtaining  wives  from  the 
enemy,  waging  continual  war,  wearing  no  clothes,  gaining  a  precari 
ous  subsistence  by  unceasing  exertion,  with  the  single  superstition 
of  dreams,  preeminently  entitle  the  Mariame  and  the  Yeguaz,  who 
appear  to  be  their  congeners,  to  represent  the  state  characterized 
as  the  most  savage.  They  acknowledged  no  kin  but  mother  and 
brother,  perhaps  they  discovered  none,  though  they  held  that  the 
relationship  was  too  close  within  the  nation  to  permit  sexual  inter 
course  even  had  female  infants  been  permitted  to  live.  It  was  a 
nation  with  a  full  knowledge,  it  seems,  of  that  organization  which 
holds  a  community  of  red  men  together,  and  which  it  respected. 

No  improvement  could  take  place  in  the  condition  of  these  people 
without  a  change  of  territory  or  an  invention  which  should  increase 
the  resources  for  food.  When  this  stage  is  attained,  and  to  an  extent 
that  renders  a  wandering  life  no  longer  imperative,  the  inhabitants 
gravitate  into  villages,  at  a  source  of  supply  perhaps,  for  the  conve 
nience  of  a  brook,  a  good  landing  place  from  a  canoe,  shelter  from 
high  winds  or  a  sufficiency  of  fuel.  Principal  men  must  appear. 
The  first  superfluous  food  will  be  in  their  cabins ;  the  first  female 
babe  that  is  spared  will  be  a  chief 's.  The  affections  assert  their 
power.  We  have  read  that  they  are  supreme  in  the  island  of 
Malhado. 

The  daughter  in  the  beginning  finds  the  natural  protector  and  tutor 
of  her  children  in  her  brother ;  his  line  is  peqjetuated  through  the  only 
safe  channel  from  their  common  mother  through  her,  and  takes  his 
name  as  that  of  the  iksa  of  which  she  and  her  female  posterity  are 
the  stock,  the  males  being  absorbed  in  other  stocks  of  the  nation. 
At  the  different  villages  the  course  of  affairs  is  alike  :  Corn-plant,  Tor 
toise  and  White-buck  are  severally  the  guardians  by  blood,  each  of 
his  sister's  children.  Thus  the  earliest  form  of  society  might  be  es 
tablished.  In  this  dawn  of  change,  should  another  sister  exist  and 
another  brother,  we  may  suppose  a  second  stock  to  arise  again  under  a 
natural  protector.  The  lines  cannot  mingle  for  the  female  affinity, 
and  the  stocks  are  deemed  brothers. 

How  few  and  how  slight  the  ties  that  held  together  the  Mariame  ! 
Differences  of  language  may  have  kept  the  nation  from  joining  other 


CABE£A  DE  VACA, 

people,  the  love  of  strife  may  have  hindered  them,  even  the  shape 
of  contiguous  dwellings,  in  the  absence  of  better  reason,  may  have 
been  sufficiently  abhorrent  to  each  other  to  keep  them  asunder. 
Nevertheless,  look  where  we  may,  we  shall  not  find  an  instance  of  a 
republic  more  simple  and  free  than  this  wild  one  that  in  the  first 
condition  of  society,  sprang  up  by  the  mud-marshes  and  chaparales  of 
the  Texan  lagoons. 

4  The  paragraph  just  closed  appears  to  be  in  advance  of  the  journey 
and  to  belong  farther  on. 

Four  nations  of  the  Zuaque  are  spoken  of  by.Rivas  as  being  the 
principal  seated  on  its  shores.  At  the  upper  end  where  the  river 
flows  from  the  mountains  of  Topia,  the  confine  of  Florida  with  the 
west,  are  the  Cinaloa  ;  six  leagues  below  their  last  town,  the  wild  and 
dreaded  Tegueca  with  their  allies  begin  to  occupy  the  country  ;  farther 
down,  the  fierce  9<iaque  commence,  having  settlements  along  for  ten 
leagues  :  and,  finally,  four  leagues  below  them,  and  thence  eleven 
leagues  to  the  sea,  are  the  mild  and  gentle  Ahome  with  their  neigh 
bors.  The  river  takes  its  names  from  those  of  the  nations  by  which 
it  passes. 

"  Besides  their  enjoyment  of  the  water,  the  natives  take  abundance 
of  mullet  from  it,  bream  and  other  fish  that  breed  there,  as  well  as 
kinds  more  numerous  that  ascend  from  the  sea.  They  come  over  the 
bar  by  the  mouth,  in  the  season  proper  to  them  for  casting  their 
spawn,  remaining  to  sport  in  fresh  water  until  about  summer,  when 
the  river  goes  down.  This  is  the  principal  fishing  season.  Then  the 
people  of  the  towns  bringing  great  bundles  of  bushes,  gather  about 
the  holes  and  pools,  beat  the  water,  when  the  fishes  in  the  depths 
becoming  intoxicated  from  the  sap,  ascend  to  the  surface  and  are 
taken.  Persons  receive  no  harm  from  the  poison  in  eating  them." 

In  Corazones,  says  JARAMILLO,  is  yerba  (poison  used  on  arrows). 
"  From  what  was  witnessed  of  its  operation  and  effects  no  worse  can 
be  found.  We  understand  it  to  be  the  milk  of  a  small  tree  like 
mastich,  growing  in  slaty  and  sterile  ground." 

5  This  account  appears  to  confound  the  arrival  of  two  expeditions 
of  Spaniards  at  "  the  river  Temochula,  twenty  leagues  north  of  the 
Petatlan."     When  Guzman  crossed  there,  in  the  year  1582,  on  his 
way  to  the  north,  the  natives  were  observed  to  wear  iron  nails  strung 
about  the  neck  and  arms  for  ornament,  and  to  possess  the  blades  of 
knives  and  swords.    On  investigation  it  was  ascertained  that  Hurtado, 
who  had  been  sent  by  Cortes  on  discoveries,  had  there  been  killed 
with  his  party  of  twenty  men,  while  they  slept,  those  only  in  the 
vessel  being  supposed  to  escape. — HERRERA,  Dec.  V,  Lib.  i,  Cap.  7. 


182     RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

The  Temochula  or  Temotchala  on  modern  maps  is  the  river  Ahome, 
the  Petatlan  is  the  Cinaloa. 

6  In  the  year  1532,  the  Governor  of  New  Galicia  marched  northward 
in  quest  of  seven  cities  of  which  he  had  heard,  and  a  great  river  four 
or  five  leagues  in  width  that  emptied  into  the  South  sea.  He  came 
to  the  river  Yakemi,  crossed  it,  and  having  tried  the  valor  of  the  in 
habitants,  he  returned  to  Colican. — HERRERA,  Dec.  V,  Lib.  I,  Cap.  8. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

WE  SEE  TRACES  OF  CHRISTIANS. 

When  we  saw  sure  signs  of  Christians,  and  heard 
how  near  we  were  to  them,  we  gave  thanks  to  God 
our  Lord,  for  having  chosen  to  bring  us  out  of  a  capti 
vity  so  melancholy  and  wretched.  The  delight  we 
felt  let  each  one  conjecture,  when  he  shall  remember 
the  length  of  time  we  were  in  that  country,  the  suffer 
ing  and  perils  we  underwent.  That  night  I  entreated 
my  companions  that  one  of  them  should  go  back  three 
days'  journey  after  the  Christians  who  were  moving 
about  over  the  country,  where  we  had  given  assurance 
of  protection.  Neither  of  them  received  this  proposal 
well,  excusing  themselves  because  of  weariness  and  ex 
haustion  ;  and  although  either  might  have  done  better 
than  I,  being  more  youthful  and  athletic,  yet  seeing 
their  unwillingness,  the  next  morning  I  took  the  negro 
with  eleven  Indians,  and  following  the  Christians  by 
their  trail,  I  traveled  ten  leagues,  passing  three  villages, 
at  which  they  had  slept. 

The  day  after  I  overtook  four  of  them  on  horseback, 
who  were  astonished  at  the  sight  of  me,  so  strangely 
habited  as  I  was,  and  in  company  with  Indians.1  They 
stood  staring  at  me  a  length  of  time,  so  confounded 
that  they  neither  hailed  me  nor  drew  near  to  make  an 


184    RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

inquiry.  I  bade  them  take  me  to  their  chief:  accord 
ingly  we  went  together  half  a  league  to  the  place 
where  was  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  their  captain. 

After  we  had  conversed,  he  stated  to  me  that  he  was 
completely  undone ;  he  had  not  been  able  in  a  long 
time  to  take  any  Indians ;  he  knew  not  which  way  to 
turn,  and  his  men  had  well  begun  to  experience  hunger 
and  fatigue.  I  told  him  of  Castillo  and  Dorantes, 
who  were  behind,  ten  leagues  off,  with  a  multitude 
that  conducted  us.  He  thereupon  sent  three  cavalry 
to  them,  with  fifty  of  the  Indians  who  accompanied 
him.  The  negro  returned  to  guide  them,  while  I 
remained.  I  asked  the  Christians  to  give  me  a  certifi 
cate  of  the  year,  month  and  day,  I  arrived  there,  and 
of  the  manner  of  my  coming,  which  they  accordingly 
did.  From  this  river  to  the  town  of  the  Christians, 
named  San  Miguel,  within  the  government  of  the 
province  called  ISTew  Galicia,  are  thirty  leagues. 

*"  They  found  Captain  Lazaro  de  ^ebreros  with  three  mounted  men 
in  the  Ojuelos  on  the  road  to  Tzinaloa  by  the  river  Petatlan."  Padre 
BEAUMONT.  HE  mistook  the  captain  and  doubtless  meant  to  write 
the  name  of  Alcaraz. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

OF  SENDING  FOR  THE  CHRISTIANS. 

Five  days  having  elapsed,  Andres  Dorantes  and 
Alonzo  del  Castillo  arrived  with  those  who  had  been 
sent  after  them.  They  brought  more  than  six  hundred 
persons  of  that  community,  whom  the  Christians  had 
driven  into  the  forests,  and  who  had  wandered  in  con 
cealment  over  the  land.  Those  who  accompanied  us 
so  far,  had  drawn  them  out,  and  given  them  to  the 
Christians,  who  thereupon  dismissed  all  the  others 
they  had  brought  with  them.  Upon  their  coming  to 
where  I  was,  Alcaraz  begged  that  we  would  summon 
the  people  of  the  towns  on  the  margin  of  the  river, 
who  straggled  about  under  cover  of  the  woods,  and 
order  t*hem  to  fetch  us  something  to  eat.  This  last 
was  unnecessary,  the  Indians  being  ever  diligent  to 
bring  us  all  they  could.  Directly  we  sent  our  messen 
gers  to  call  them,  when  there  came  six  hundred  souls, 
bringing  us  all  the  maize  in  their  possession.  They 
fetched  it  in  certain  pots,  closed  with  clay,  which  they 
had  concealed  in  the  earth.  They  brought  us  what 
ever  else  they  had ;  but  we,  wishing  only  to  have  the 
provision,  gave  the  rest  to  the  Christians,  that  they 
might  divide  among  themselves.  After  this  we  had 
24 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

many  high  words  with  them  ;  for  they  wished  to  make 
slaves  of  the  Indians  we  brought. 

In  consequence  of  the  dispute,  we  left  at  our  depar 
ture  many  bows  of  Turkish  shape  we  had  along  with  us 
and  many  pouches.  The  five  arrows  with  the  points 
of  emerald  were  forgotten  among  others,  .and  we  lost 
them.  We  gave  the  Christians  a  store  of  robes  of 
cowhide  and  other  things  we  brought.  "We  found 
it  difficult  to  induce  the  Indians  to  return  to  their 
dwellings,  to  feel  no  apprehension  and  plant  maize. 
They  were  willing  to  do  nothing  until  they  had  gone 
with  us  and  delivered  us  into  the  hands  of  other  In 
dians,  as  had  been  the  custom ;  for  if  they  returned 
without  doing  so,  they  were  afraid  they  should  die, 
and  going  with  us,  they  feared  neither  Christians  nor 
lances.  Our  countrymen  became  jealous  at  this,  and 
caused  their  interpreter  to  tell  the  Indians  that  we 
were  of  them,  and  for  a  long  time  we  had  been  lost ; 
that  they  were  the  lords  of  the  land  who  must  be 
obeyed  and  served,  while  we  were  persons  of  mean 
condition  and  small  force.  The  Indians  cared  little  or 
nothing  for  what  was  told  them;  and  conversing 
among  themselves  said  the  Christians  lied :  that  we 
had  come  whence  the  sun  rises,  and  they  whence  it 
goes  down :  we  healed  the  sick,  they  killed  the 
sound ;  that  we  had  come  naked  and  barefooted, 
while  they  had  arrived  in  clothing  and  on  horses 
with  lances;  that  we  were  not  covetous  of  anything, 
but  all  that  was  given  to  us,  we  directly  turned  to  give, 
remaining  with  nothing;  that  the  others  had  the 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  187 

only  purpose  to  rob  whomsoever  they  found,  bestow 
ing  nothing  on  any  one. 

In  this  way  they  spoke  of  all  matters  respecting  us, 
which  they  enhanced  by  contrast  with  matters  con 
cerning  the  others,  delivering  their  response  through 
the  interpreter  of  the  Spaniards.  To  other  Indians  they 
made  this  known  by  means  of  one  among  them 
through  whom  they  understood  us.  Those  who  speak 
that  tongue  we  discriminately  call  Primahaitu,  which 
is  like  saying  Vasconyados.1  We  found  it  in  use  over 
more  than  four  hundred  leagues  of  our  travel,  without 
another  over  that  whole  extent.  Even  to  the  last,  I 
could  not  convince  the  Indians  that  we  were  of  the 
Christians  ;  and  only  with  great  effort  and  solicitation 
we  got  them  to  go  back  to  their  residences.  We 
ordered  them  to  put  away  apprehension,  establish 
their  towns,  plant  and  cultivate  the  soil. 

From  abandonment  the  country  had  already  grown 
up  thickly  in  trees.  It  is,  no  doubt,  the  best  in  all 
these  Iiidias,  the  most  prolific  and  plenteous  in  provi 
sions.  Three  times  in  the  year  it  is  planted.  It  pro 
duces  great  variety  of  fruit,  has  beautiful  rivers,  with 
many  other  good  waters.  There  are  ores  with  clear 
traces  of  gold  and  silver.  The  people  are  well  dis 
posed  :  they  serve  such  Christians  as  are  their  friends, 
with  great  good  will.  They  are  comely,  much  more 
so  than  the  Mexicans.  Indeed,  the  land  needs  no  cir 
cumstance  to  make  it  blessed. 

The  Indians,  at  taking  their  leave  told  us  they 
would  do  what  we  commanded,  and  would  build  their 


188  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

towns,  if  the  Christians  would  suffer  them ;  and  this 
I  say  and  affirm  most  positively,  that  if  they  have  not 
done  so,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  Christians. 

After  we  had  dismissed  the  Indians  in  peace,  and 
thanked  them  for  the  toil  they  had  supported  with  us, 
the  Christians  with  subtlety  sent  us  on  oui*  way  under 
charge  of  Zeburos,  an  Alcalde,  attended  by  two  men. 
They  took  us  through  forests  and  solitudes,  to  hinder 
us  from  intercourse  with  the  natives,  that  we  might 
neither  witness  nor  have  knowledge  of  the  act  they 
would  commit.  It  is  but  an  instance  of  how  frequently 
men  are  mistaken  in  their  aims ;  we  set  about  to  pre 
serve  the  liberty  of  the  Indians  and  thought  we  had 
secured  it,  but  the  contrary  appeared ;  for  the  Christians 
had  arranged  to  go  and  spring  upon  those  we  had  sent 
away  in  peace  and  confidence.  They  executed  their 
plan  as  they  had  designed,  taking  us  through  the 
woods,  wherein  for  two  days  we  were  lost,  without 
water  and  without  way.  Seven  of  our  men  died  of 
thirst,  and  we  all  thought  to  have  perished.  Many 
friendly  to  the  Christians  in  their  company,  were  un 
able  to  reach  the  place  where  we  got  water  the  second 
night,  until  the  noon  of  next  day.  "We  traveled 
twenty-five  leagues,  little  more  or  less,  and  reached  a 
town  of  friendly  Indians.  The  Alcalde  left  us  there, 
and  went  on  three  leagues  farther  to  a  town  called 
Culia9an  where  was  Melchior  Diaz,  principal  Alcalde 
and  Captain  of  the  Province. 

1  This  name  seemingly  comes  from  these  words,  taken  from  a  dic 
tionary  in   MS.  of  the  Heve  or  Eudeve,  a  dialect  of  the  Pima,  and 


CABEQA  DE  VACA. 

nearest  of  kin  to  the  <3pata,  composed  by  a  Spanish  missionary.  No, 
pima :  nothing,  pima  haitu.  Ques.  What,  Ai  ?  Ans.  Pima  Jutitu, 
(nihil).  Time  has  shown  the  wide  extent  of  country  over  which  the 
Pima  and  its  affinities  were  spoken.  For  an  Andaluz  to  make  such 
concession  to  the  original  diffusion  of  the  Vascuence  is  no  little,  and 
has  come  near  to  equaling  the  patriotic  pretensions  since  made  for 
the  language  by  Larrainendi. 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

THE  CHIEF  ALCALDE  RECEIVES    US    KINDLY    THE  NIGHT 
WE  ARRIVE. 

The  Alcalde  Mayor  knew  of  the  expedition,  and 
hearing  of  our  return,  he  immediately  left  that  night  and 
came  to  where  we  were.  He  wept  with  us,  giving 
praises  to  God  our  Lord  for  having  extended  over  us 
so  great  care.  He  comforted  and  entertained  us  hos 
pitably.  In  behalf  of  the  Governor,  Nuno  de  Guzmdn 
and  himself,  he  tendered  all  that  he  had,  and  the  service 
in  his  power.  He  showed  much  regret  for  the  seizure, 
and  the  injustice  we  had  received  from  Alcaraz  and 
others.  We  were  sure,  had  he  been  present  what  was 
done  to  the  Indians  and  to  us  would  never  have  oc 
curred. 

The  night  being  passed,  we  set  out  the  next  day  for 
Anhacan.1  The  chief  Alcalde  besought  us  to  tarry 
there,  since  by  so  doing  we  could  be  of  eminent  ser 
vice  to  God  and  your  Majesty;  the  deserted  land  was 
without  tillage  and  everywhere  badly  wasted,  the  In 
dians  were  fleeing  and  concealing  themselves  in  the 
thickets,  unwilling  to  occupy  their  towns ;  we  were  to 
send  and  call  them,  commanding  them  in  behalf  of 
God  and  the  King,  to  return  to  live  in  the  vales  and 
cultivate  the  soil. 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE^A  DE  VACA. 

To  us  this  appeared  difficult  to  effect.  "We  had 
brought  no  native  of  our  own,  nor  of  those  who  ac 
companied  us  according  to  custom,  intelligent  in  these 
affairs.  At  last  we  made  the  attempt  with  two  cap 
tives,  brought  from  that  country,  who  were  with  the 
Christians  we  first  overtook.  They  had  seen  the 
people  who  conducted  us,  and  learned  from  them  the 
great  authority  and  command  we  carried  and  exercised 
throughout  those  parts,  the  wonders  we  had  worked, 
the  sick  we  had  cured,  and  the  many  things  besides 
we  had  done.  We  ordered  that  they  with  others  of 
the  town,  should  go  together  to  summon  the  hostile 
natives  among  the  mountains  and  of  the  river  Petachan,2 
where  we  had  found  the  Christians,  and  say  to  them 
they  must  come  to  us,  that  we  wished  to  speak  with 
them.  For  the  protection  of  the  messengers,  and  as  a 
token  to  the  others  of  our  will,  we  gave  them  a  gourd 
of  those  we  were  accustomed  to  bear  in  our  hands, 
which  had  been  our  principal  insignia  and  evidence  of 
rank,  and  with  this  they  went  away. 

The  Indians  were  gone  seven  days,  and  returned 
with  three  chiefs  of  those  revolted  among  the  ridges, 
who  brought  with  them  fifteen  men,  and  presented  us 
beads,  turquoises,  and  feathers.  The  messengers  said 
they  had  not  found  the  people  of  the  river  where  we 
appeared,  the  Christians  having  again  made  them  run 
away  into  the  mountains.  Melchior  Diaz  told  the  in 
terpreter  to  speak  to  the  natives  for  us ;  to  say  to 
them  we  came  in  the  name  of  God,  who  is  in  heaven ; 
that  we  had  traveled  about  the  world  many  years,3 


192  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

telling  all  the  people  we  found  that  they  should  believe 
in  God  and  serve  him ;  for  he  was  the  master  of  all 
things  on  the  earth,  benefiting  and  rewarding  the  vir 
tuous,  and  to  the  bad  giving  perpetual  punishment  of 
fire ;  that  when  the  good  die,  he  takes  them  to  heaven, 
where  none  ever  die,  nor  feel  cold,  nor  hunger,  nor 
thirst,  nor  any  inconvenience  whatsoever,  but  the 
greatest  enjoyment  possible  to  conceive;  that  those 
who  will  not  believe  in  him,  nor  obey  his  commands, 
he  casts  beneath  the  earth  into  the  company  of  demons, 
and  into  a  great  fire  which  is  never  to  go  out,  but 
always  torment ;  that,  over  this,  if  they  desired  to  be 
Christians  and  serve  God  in  the  way  we  required,  the 
Christians  would  cherish  them  as  brothers  and  behave 
towards  them  very  kindly ;  that  we  would  command 
they  give  no  offense  nor  take  them  from  their  territo 
ries,  but  be  their  great  friends.  If  the  Indians  did  not 
do  this,  the  Christians  would  treat  them  very  hardly, 
carrying  them  away  as  slaves  into  other  lands. 

They  answered  through  the  interpreter  that  they 
would  be  true  Christians  and  serve  God.  Being  asked 
to  whom  they  sacrifice  and  offer  worship,  from  whom 
they  ask  rain  for  their  corn-fields  and  health  for  them 
selves,  they  answered  of  a  man  that  is  in  heaven.  We 
inquired  of  them  his  name,  and  they  told  us  Aguar ; 
and  they  believed  he  created  the  whole  world,  and  the 
things  in  it.  "We  returned  to  question  them  as  to  how 
they  knew  this ;  they  answered  their  fathers  and  grand 
fathers  had  told  them,  that  from  distant  time  had  come 
their  knowledge,  and  tliey  knew  the  rain  and  all  good 


CABE£A  DE  VACA.  193 

things  were  sent  to  them  by  him.  We  told  them  that 
the  name  of  him  of  whom  they  spoke  we  called  Dios ; 
and  if  they  would  call  him  so,  and  would  worship  him 
as  we  directed,  they  would  find  their  welfare.  They 
responded  that  they  well  understood,  and  would  do  as 
we  said.  We  ordered  them  to  come  down  from  the 
mountains  in  confidence  and  peace,  inhabit  the  whole 
country  and  construct  their  houses  :  among  these  they 
should  build  one  for  God,  at  its  entrance  place  a  cross 
like  that  which  we  had  there  present;  and  when 
Christians  came  among  them,  they  should  go  out  to 
receive  them  with  crosses  in  their  hands,  without 
bows  or  any  arms,  and  take  them  to  their  dwellings, 
giving  of  what  they  have  to  eat,  and  the  Christians 
would  do  them  no  injury,  but  be  their  friends ;  and 
the  Indians  told  us  they  would  do  as  we  had  com 
manded. 

The  Captain  having  given  them  shawls  and  enter 
tained  them,  they  returned,  taking  the  two  captives 
who  had  been  used  as  emissaries.  This  occurrence 
took  place  before  the  Notary,  in  the  presence  of  many 
witnesses. 

1  The  two  last  words  are  omitted  in  the  second  edition. 

2  Spelled  Petaan  in  the  second  edition.     A  region  of  country  on  the 
south  nearly  to  this  river  Petatlan  had  formed  a  part  of  the  extreme 
northern  domain  of  Moctezuma,  and  where  the  Mexican  was  spoken. 
The  name  appears  to  be  made  from  petlatl,  in  that  language,  a  sort 
of  matting,  or,  better,  it  is  a  contraction  of  petlatitlan,  among  mats. 
Anciently  tribute  appears  to  have  been  paid  in  this  commodity  to 
the  metropolis. 

3  In  the  first  edition  "  nine  years." 

25 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

OF  BUILDING  CHURCHES  IN  THAT  LAND-- 

As  soon  as  these  Indians  went  back,  all  those  of 
that  province  who  were  friendly  to  the  Christians  and 
had  heard  of  us,  came  to  visit  us,  bringing  beads  and 
feathers.  We  commanded  them  to  build  churches 
and  put  crosses  in  them  :  to  that  time  none  had  been 
raised ;  and  we  made  them  bring  their  principal  men 
to  be  baptized. 

Then  the  Captain  made  a  covenant  with  God,  not  to 
invade  nor  consent  to  invasion,  nor  to  enslave  any  of 
that  country  and  people,  to  whom  we  had  guarantied 
safety ;  that  this  he  would  enforce  and  defend  until 
your  Majesty  and  the  Governor  Nuno  de  Guzman,  or 
the  Viceroy  in  your  name,  should  direct  what  would 
be  most  for  the  service  of  God  and  your  Highness. 

When  the  children  had  been  baptized,  we  departed 
for  the  town  of  San  Miguel.  So  soon  as  we  arrived, 
April  1,*  1536,  came  Indians,  who  told  us  many  people 
had  come  down  from  the  mountains  and  were  liv 
ing  in  the  vales ;  that  they  had  made  churches  and 
crosses,  doing  all  we  had  required.  Each  day  we 
heard  how  these  things  were  advancing  to  a  full  im 
provement. 

*  April  1  1536 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEQA  DE  VACA. 

Fifteen  days  of  our  residence  having  passed,  Alcaraz 
got  back  with  the  Christians  from  the  incursion,  and 
they  related  to  the  Captain  the  manner  in  which  the 
Indians  had  come  down  and  peopled  the  plain;  that 
the  towns  were  inhabited  which  had  been  tenantless 
and  deserted,  the  residents,  coming  out  to  receive  them 
with  crosses  in  their  hands,  had  taken  them  to  their 
houses,  giving  of  what  they  had,  and  the  Christians 
had  slept  among  them  over  night.  They  were  sur 
prised  at  a  thing  so  novel ;  but  as  the  natives  said  they 
had  been  assured  of  safety,  it  was  ordered  that  they 
should  not  be  harmed,  and  the  Christians  took  friendly 
leave  of  them. 

God  of  his  infinite  mercy  is  pleased  that  in  the  days 
of  your  Majesty,  under  your  might  and  dominion, 
these  nations  should  come  to  be  thoroughly  and  vol 
untarily  subject  to  the  Lord,  who  has  created  and 
.redeemed  us.  We  regard  this  as  certain,  that  your 
Majesty  is  he  who  is  destined  to  do  so  much,  not 
difficult  to  accomplish ;  for  in  the  two  thousand  leagues 
we  journeyed  on  land,  and  in  boats  on  water,  and  in 
that  we  traveled  unceasingly  for  ten  months  after 
coming  out  of  captivity,  we  found  neither  sacrifices  nor 
idolatry. 

In  the  time,  we  traversed  from  sea  to  sea ;  and  from 
information  gathered  with  great  diligence,  there  may  be 
a  distance  from  one  to  another  at  the  widest  part,  of  two 
thousand  leagues ; l  and  we  learned  that  on  the  coast  of 
the  South  sea  there  are  pearls  and  great  riches,  and  the 
best  and  all  the  most  opulent  countries  are  near  there. 


196  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

We  were  in  the  village  of  San  Miguel  until  the 
fifteenth  day  of  May.*  The  cause  of  so  long  a  deten 
tion  was,  that  from  thence  to  the  city  of  Compostela, 
where  the  Governor  Nuno  de  Guzman  resided,  are 
a  hundred  leagues  of  country,  entirely  devastated  and 
filled  with  enemies,  where  it  was  necessary  w3  should 
have  protection.  Twenty  mounted  men  went  with  us 
for  forty  leagues,  and  after  that  six  Christians  accom 
panied  us,  who  had  with  them  five  hundred  slaves. 
Arrived  at  Compostela,  the  Governor  entertained  us 
graciously  and  gave  us  of  his  clothing  for  our  use. 
I  could  not  wear  any  for  some  time,  nor  could  we 
sleep  anywhere  else  but  on  the  ground.  After  ten  or 
twelve  days  we  left  for  Mexico,  and  were  all  along  on 
the  way  well  entertained  by  Christians.  Many  came 
out  on  the  roads  to  gaze  at  us,  giving  thanks  to  God 
for  having  saved  us  from  so  many  calamities.  We 
arrived  at  Mexico  on  Sunday,  the  day  before  the 
vespers  of  Saint  Iago,f  where  we  were  handsomely 
treated  by  the  Viceroy  and  the  Marquis  del  Valle,  and 
welcomed  with  joy.  They  gave  us  clothing  and  prof 
fered  whatsoever  they  had.  On  the  day  of  Saint  lago 
was  a  celebration,  and  a  joust  of  reeds  with  bulls. 

*  May  15  f  July  25  1536 

1  The  distance  these  Christians  traveled  in  going  from  one  sea  to 
the  other,  at  the  place  they  came  out  appeared  to  them  two  hundred 
leagues,  which  they  so  declared  at  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  with  the 
other  matter  here  stated,  on  oath  before  a  notary  the  15th  day  of 
May. — HERRERA. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

OF  WHAT  OCCURRED  WHEN  I  WISHED  TO  RETURN. 

When  we  had  rested  two  months  in  Mexico,  I 
desired  to  return  to  these  kingdoms ;  and  being  about 
to  embark  in  the  month  of  October,  a  storm  came  on 
capsizing  the  ship  and  she  was  lost.  In  consequence 
I  resolved  to  remain  through  the  winter ;  because  in 
those  parts  it  is  a  boisterous  season  for  navigation. 
After  that  had  gone  by,  Dorantes  and  I  left  Mexico, 
about  Lent,  to  take  shipping  at  Yera  Cruz.  We  re 
mained  waiting  for  a  wind  until  Palm  Sunday,  when 
we  went  on  board,  and  were  detained  fifteen  days 
longer  for  a  wind.  The  ship  leaked  so  much  that  I 
quitted  her,  and  went  to  one  of  two  other  vessels  that 
were  ready  to  sail,  but  Dorantes  remained  in  her. 

On  the  tenth  day  of  April,*  the  three  ships  left  the 
port,  and  sailed  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues.  Two 
of  them  leaked  a  great  deal ;  and  one  night  the  vessel 
I  was  in,  lost  their  company.  Their  pilots  and  mas 
ters,  as  afterwards  appeared,  dared  not  proceed  with  the 
other  vessels ;  so,  without  telling  us  of  their  intentions, 
or  letting  us  know  aught  of  them,  put  back  to  the 
port  they  had  left.  We  pursued  our  voyage,  and  on 
the  fourth  day  of  May  t  we  entered  the  harbor  of  Ha- 

*  April  10  t  May  4  1536 


193  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

vana,  in  the  island  of  Cuba.  We  remained  waiting  for 
the  other  vessels,  believing  them  to  be  on  their  way, 
until  the  second  of  June,*  when  we  sailed,  in  much 
fear  of  falling  in  with  Frenchmen,  as  they  had  a  few 
days  before  taken  three  Spanish  vessels.  Having 
arrived  at  the  Island  of  Bermuda,  we  were  struck  by 
one  of  those  storms  that  overtake  those  who  pass  there, 
according  to  what  they  state  who  sail  thither.  All 
one  night  we  considered  ourselves  lost ;  and  we  were 
thankful  that  when  the  morning  was  come,  the  storm 
ceased,  and  we  could  go  on  our  course. 

At  the  end  of  twenty-nine  days  after  our  departure 
from  Havana,  we  had  sailed  eleven  hundred  leagues, 
which  are  said  to  be  thence  to  the  town  of  the  Azores. 
The  next  morning,  passing  by  the  Island  called  Cuervo, 
we  fell  in  with  a  French  ship.  At  noon  she  began  to 
follow,  bringing  with  her  a  caravel  captured  from  the 
Portuguese,  and  gave  us  chase.  In  the  evening  we 
saw  nine  other  sail ;  but  they  were  so  distant  we  could 
not  make  out  whether  they  were  Portuguese  or  of 
those  that  pursued  us.  At  night  the  Frenchman  was 
within  shot  of  a  lombard  from  our  ship,  and  we  stole 
away  from  our  course  in  the  dark  to  evade  him, 
and  this  we  did  three  or  four  times.  He  approached 
so  near  that  he  saw  us  and  fired.  He  might  have 
taken  us,  or,  at  his  option  could  leave  us  until  the 
morning.  I  remember  with  gratitude  to  the  Almighty 
when  the  sun  rose,  and  we  found  ourselves  close  with 

*  June  2  1537 


CABE<?A  DE  VACA.  199 

the  Frenchman,  that  near  us  were  the  nine  sail  we  saw 
the  evening  before,  which  we  now  recognized  to  be  of 
the  fleet  of  Portugal.  I  gave  thanks  to  our  Lord  for 
escape  from  the  troubles  of  the  land  and  perils  of  the 
sea.  The  Frenchman,  so  soon  as  he  discovered  their 
character,  let  go  the  caravel  he  had  seized  with  a  cargo 
of  negroes  and  kept  as  a  prize,  to  make  us  think  he 
was  Portuguese,  that  we  might  wait  for  him.  When 
he  cast  her  off,  he  told  the  pilot  and  the  master  of  her, 
that  we  were  French  and  under  his  convoy.  This 
said,  sixty  oars  were  put  out  from  his  ship,  and  thus 
with  these  and  sail  he  commenced  to  flee,  moving  so 
fast  it  was  hardly  credible.  The  caravel  being  let 
go,  went  to  the  galleon,  and  informed  the  commander 
that  the  other  ship  and  ours  were  French.  As  we 
drew  nigh  the  galleon,  and  the  fleet  saw  we  were 
coming  down  upon  them,  they  made  no  doubt  we 
were,  and  putting  themselves  in  order  of  battle,  bore 
up  for  us,  and  when  near  we  hailed  them.  Discover 
ing  that  we  were  friends,  they  found  that  they  were 
mocked  in  permitting  the  corsair  to  escape,  by  being 
told  that  we  were  French  and  of  his  company. 

Four  caravels  were  sent  in  pursuit.  The  galleon 
drawing  near,  after  the  salutation  from  us,  the  com 
mander  Diego  de  Silveira,  asked  whence  we  came  and 
what  merchandise  we  carried,  when  we  answered  that 
we  came  from  New  Spain,  and  were  loaded  with  silver 
and  gold.  He  asked  us  how  much  there  might  be; 
the  Captain  told  him  we  carried  three  hundred  thou 
sand  Castillanos.  The  Commander  replied  :  "  Boa  fee, 


200 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 


que  venis  muito  ricos,  pero  tragedes  muy  ruin  Navio  y 
muyto  ruin  Antilleria,  6  fide  puta  can  dreneyado  Fraces, 
y  que  bon  bocado  perdio,  bota  deus.  Ora  sus  pois 
vos  avedes  escapade,  seguime,  y  non  vos  apartedes  de 
mi,  que  co  ajuda  de  deus  en  vos  pome  en  Castila." l 

After  a  little  time,  the  caravels  that  pursued  the 
Frenchman  returned,  for  plainly  he  moved  too  fast 
for  them ;  they  did  not  like  either,  to  leave  the  fleet, 
which  was  guarding  three  ships  that  came  laden  with 
spices.  Thus  we  reached  the  island  of  Terceira, 
where  we  reposed  fifteen  days,  taking  refreshment  and 
awaiting  the  arrival  of  another  ship  coming  with  a 
cargo  from  India,  the  companion  of  the  three  of  which 
the  armada  was  in  charge.  The  time  having  run  out, 
we  left  that  place  with  the  fleet,  and  arrived  at  the 
port  of  Lisbon  on  the  ninth  of  August,*  in  the  after 
noon  of  the  day  of  our  master  Saint  Lawrence,  in  the 
year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-seven. 

That  what  I  have  stated  in  my  foregoing  narrative 
is  true,  I  subscribe  with  my  name. 


*  August  8 


1537 


CABE£A  DE  VAC  A.  201 

The  illation  whence  this  is  taken,  is  signed  with  the  name 
of  Cabega  de  Vaca,  and  bears  the  impress  of  his  escutcheon. 

1  The  words  are  in  Portuguese  :  "  In  honest  truth  you  come  very 
rich,  although  you  bring  a  very  sorry  ship  and  a  still  poorer  ar 
tillery.  By  Heaven,  that  renegade  whoreson  Frenchman  has  lost  a 
good  mouthful. .  Now  that  you  have  escaped,  follow  me,  and  do  not 
leave  me  that  I  may,  with  God's  help,  deliver  you  in  Spain." 


26 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

OF  WHAT  BECAME  OF  THE  OTHERS  WHO  WENT  TO  INDIAS. 

Since  giving  this  circumstantial  account  of  events 
attending  the  voyage  to  Florida,  the  invasion,  and  our 
going  out  thence,  until  the  arrival  in  these  realms,  I 
desire  to  state  what  became  of  the  ships  and  of  the 
people  who  remained  with  them.  I  have  not  before 
touched  on  this,  as  we  were  uninformed  until  coming 
to  New  Spain,  where  we  found  many  of  the  persons, 
and  others  here  in  Castilla,  from  whom  we  learned 
everything  to  the  latest  particular. 

At  the  time  we  left,  one  of  the  ships  had  already 
been  lost  on  the  breakers,  and  the  three  others  were 
in  considerable  danger,  having  nearly  a  hundred  souls 
on  board  and  few  stores.  Among  the  persons  were  ten 
married  women,  one  of  whom  had  told  the  Governor 
many  things  that  afterwards  befel  him  on  the  voyage. 
She  cautioned  him  before  he  went  inland  not  to  go,  as 
she  was  confident  that  neither  he  nor  any  going  with 
him  could  ever  escape;  but  should  any  one  come 
back  from  that  country,  the  Almighty  must  work  great 
wonders  in  his  behalf,  though  she  believed  few  or 
none  would  return.  The  Governor  said  that  he  and 
his  followers  were  going  to  fight  and  conquer  nations 
and  countries  wholly  unknown,  and  in  subduing  them 


RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABEQA  DE  VACA.  203 

he  knew  that  many  would  be  slain  ;  nevertheless,  that 
those  who  survived  would  be  fortunate,  since  from 
what  he  had  understood  of  the  opulence  of  that  land, 
they  must  become  very  rich.  And  further  he  begged 
her  to  inform  him  whence  she  learned  those  things 
that  had  passed,  as  well  as  those  she  spoke  of,  that 
were  to  come  :  she  replied  that  in  Castilla  a  Moorish 
woman  of  Hornachos  had  told  them  to  her,  which  she 
had  stated  to  us  likewise  before  we  left  Spain,  and 
while  on  the  passage  many  things .  happened  in  the 
way  she  foretold. 

After  the  Governor  had  made  Caravallo,  a  native  of 
Cuenca  de  Huete,  his  lieutenant  and  commander  of 
the  vessels  and  people,  he  departed,  leaving  orders 
that  all  diligence  should  be  used  to  repair  on  board, 
and  take  the  direct  course  to  Panuco,  keeping  along 
the  shore  closely  examining  for  the  harbor,  and  having 
found  it,  the  vessels  should  enter  there  and  await  our 
arrival.  And  the  people  state,  that  when  they  had 
betaken  themselves  to  the  ships,  all  of  them  looking  at 
that  woman,  they  distinctly  heard  her  say  to  the 
females,  that  well,  since  their  husbands  had  gone 
inland,  putting  their  persons  in  so  great  jeopardy, 
their  wives  should  in  no  way  take  more  account 
of  them,  but  ought  soon  to  be  looking  after  whom 
they  would  marry,  and  that  she  should  do  so.  She  did 
accordingly  :  she  and  others  married,  or  became  the 
concubines  of  those  who  remained  in  the  ships. 

After  we  left,  the  vessels  made  sail,  taking  their 
course  onward ;  but  not  finding  the  harbor,  they  re- 


204  RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ 

turned.  Five  leagues  below  *  the  place  at  which  we 
debarked,  they  found  the  port,  the  same  we  discovered 
when  we  saw  the  Spanish  cases  containing  dead  bodies, 
which  were  of  Christians.  Into  this  haven  and  along 
this  coast,  the  three  ships  passed  with  the  other  ship 
that  came  from  Cuba,  and  the  brigantine,  looking 
for  us  nearly  a  year,  and  not  finding  us,  they  went  to 
New  Spain. 

The  port  of  which  we  speak  is  the  best  in  the  world. 
At  the  entrance  are  six  fathoms  of  water  and  five  near 
the  shore.  It  runs  up  into  the  land  seven  or  eight 
leagues.  The  bottom  is  fine  white  sand.  ]STo  sea 
breaks  upon  it  nor  boisterous  storm,  and  it  can  contain 
many  vessels.  Fish  is  in  great  plenty.  There  are  a 
hundred  leagues  to  Havana,  a  town  of  Christians  in 
Cuba,  with  which  it  bears  north  and  south.  The 
north-east  wind  ever  prevails  and  vessels  go  from  one 
to  the  other,  returning  in  a  few  days ;  for  the  reason 
that  they  sail  either  way  with  it  on  the  quarter. 

As  I  have  given  account  of  the  vessels,  it  may  be 
well  that  I  state  who  are,  and  from  what  parts  of  these 
kingdoms  come,  the  persons  whom  our  Lord  has  been 
pleased  to  release  from  these  troubles.  The  first  is 
Alonzo  del  Castillo  Maldonado,  native  of  Salamanca, 
son  of  Doctor  Castillo  and  Dona  Aldon9a  Maldonado, 
the  second  is  Andres  Dorantes,  son  of  Pablo  Dorantes, 
native  of  Bejar,  and  citizen  of  Gibraleon.  The  third 
is  Alvar  Nunez  Cabega  de  Yaca,  son  of  Francisco  de 

*  This  "  below  "  should  he  "  abovo." 


CABE9A  DE  VACA.  205 

Vera,  and  grandson  of  Pedro  de  Vera  who  conquered 
the  Canaries,  and  his  mother  was  Dona  Teresa  Cabe9a 
de  Yaca,  native  of  Xerez  de  la  Frontera.  The  fourth, 
called  Estevanico,  is  an  Arabian  black,  native  of 


THE  END. 


The  present  tract  was  imprinted  in  the  very  magnificent,  noble  and 
very  ancient  City  of  Zamora,  by  the  honored  residents  Augustin  de 
Paz  and  Juan  Picardo,  partners,  printers  of  books,  at  the  cost  and 
outlay  of  the  virtuous  Juan  Pedro  Musetti,  book  merchant  of  Medina 
del  Campo,  having  been  finished  the  sixth  day  of  the  month  of 
October,  in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty-two  of  the 
birth  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ. 


'The  reader  who  follows  this  strange  tale  to  its  conclusion,  will 
desire  to  learn  more  of  those  who  had  escaped  the  final  disaster. 
After  they  reached  Mexico,  and  before  their  separation,  the  survivors 
united  in  giving  an  account  to  the  Audiencia  of  Espafiola,  respecting 
the  loss  of  the  army  and  what  attended  the  individuals  who  survived 
it.  They  laid  before  the  Viceroy  at  his  request,  a  map  of  the  country 
and  the  course  they  had  traversed. 

Following  upon  this,  a  single  trace  can  be  discovered  of  Captain 
Castillo.  Among  the  edicts  for  the  government  of  New  Spain,  is  one 
issued  the  27th  day  of  July,  1540,*  to  the  Viceroy  on  the  memorial  of 
Alonso  Castillo  Maldonado,  resident  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  He  having 
stated  that  one  half  the  town  of  Teguacan  is  held  by  him  in  encomi- 

*  Recopilacion  Mejico,  1563. 


206   RELATION  OF  ALVAR  NUNEZ  CABE<?A  DE  VACA. 

enda,  and  the  other  half  is  in  the  king,  and  that  the  Indians  might 
well  enough  pay  a  higher  tribute  than  the  one  at  which  they  are 
rated,  asks  that  it  may  be  increased  ;  the  Royal  Council  thereupon 
recommend  that  the  tribute  be  assessed  anew,  and  conformed  to  the 
state  and  condition  of  the  inhabitants. 

In  April  of  the  year  1537  Andres  Dorantes  sailed  for  Spain.  The 
ship  in  which  he  took  passage  being  found  unsea worthy,  put  back, 
and  MendoQa  hearing  of  the  return  to  Veracruz,  invited  hhn  to  the 
capital.  The  captain  on  his  arrival  was  offered  a  mounted  troop,  to 
go  in  company  with  some  religious  fathers  and  retrace  on  discoveries 
the  region  of  country  from  which  he  had  issued  the  season  before. 
On  hearing  the  project  of  Mendoija,  and  discovering  that  the  object 
was  for  the  divine  as  well  as  the  royal  service,  he  joyfully  received 
the  appointment.  The  slave  Estevanico  whom  the  owner  had  parted 
with  to  the  Viceroy  before  going  down  to  the  coast,  was  to  be  em 
ployed  in  exploring  for  the  advance  of  an  enterprise  then  in  the 
course  of  preparation  for  the  north.* 

A  letter  in  the  Historia  de  los  Indias  de  Nueva  Espafta  by  Padre  Mo- 
tolinia,  dated  the  24th  day  of  February  of  the  year  1541,  dedicating 
the  work  to  Pimentel,  fifth  count  of  Benevente,  introduces  the  bearer 
as  one  of  those  who  had  escaped  the  destruction  attending  the  army 
of  Narvaez,  and  could  inform  him  more  at  large  in  respect  of  a  wan 
dering  and  houseless  race  of  men,  the  Chichimecas,  about  whom  the 
writer  speaks. 

*  Letter  of  Mendoca  to  the  King,  10th  of  December.  1537. 


APPENDIX. 


I. 

PETITIONS  OF  NARVAEZ  TO  THE  KING  OF  SPAIN,  WITH 
NOTES  OF  CONCESSIONS  MADE  TO  HIM  BY  THE  COUNCIL 
OF  INDIAS  FOR  THE  CONQUEST  OF  FLORIDA. 

Originals  in  the  Archive  de  Indias  at  Sevilla. 

SACRED  C^ESAREAN  CATHOLIC  MAJESTY. 

I,  Piinfilo  de  Narvaez,  kiss  the  royal  hands  and  declare,  what 
may  be  known  to  Your  Highness,  that  being  ordered  to  go  to 
New  Spain,  the  greater  part  of  iny  property  was  lost,  and  I  was 
imprisoned,  and  detained  five  years.  Since  for  twenty-six  years 
I  have  borne  arms  in  the  conquest  of  all  those  regions,  I  en 
treat  Your  Majesty  will  be  well  pleased  to  requite  me  in  New 
Spain,  in  the  manner  that  is  customary  with  those  who  have  long 
served.  In  so  doing  Your  Highness  will  confer  much  good  and 
favor  on  one  who  has  in  view  the  royal  interest. 


S.  C.  C.  M. 

Inasmuch  as  I,  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  have  ever  had  and  still 
have  the  intention  of  serving  Grod  and  Your  Majesty,  I  desire  to 
go  in  person  with  my  means,  to  a  certain  country  on  the  main  of 
the  Ocean  Sea.  T  propose  ohiefly  to  traffic  with  the  natives  of  the 
coast,  and  to  take  thither  religious  men  and  ecclesiastics,  ap 
proved  of  your  royal  Council  of  the  Indias,  that  they  may 
•make  known  and  plant  the  Christian  Faith.  I  shall  observe 
fully  what  your  Council  require  and  ordain  to  the  ends  of  serving 
God  and  Your  Highness,  and  for  the  good  of  your  subjects.  I 


208  APPENDIX, 

will  carry  new  persons  thither  from  these  your  realms  of  Cas- 
tilla,  Aragon  and  Germany,  without  unpeopling  other  isles  of 
Spaniards  and  Indians. 

I  entreat  Your  Majesty  may  please  to  order  the  Very  Rev 
erend  President  and  Council  of  Indias  to  take  into  early  con 
sideration  the  heads  and  conditions  which  I  venture  to  suggest, 
and  that  they  approve  them  with  the  emendations  and-  assents 
which  they  find  most  conducive  to  the  service  of  God  and  to 
your  own.  A  grave  responsibility  rests  on  the  royal  conscience, 
if  by  delay  the  conversion  of  those  natives  to  our  holy  Catholic 
Faith  should  be  suspended,  and  the  fruit  withheld  that  is  due 
to  the  royal  patrimony  and  to  your  subjects. 

I  propose  to  undertake  this  in  person,  with  my  experience  in 
those  countries,  and  when  the  occasion  shall  present  itself,  to 
the  extent  of  my  property,  which,  to  God  be  the  praise,  I  have 
to  employ  in  that  enterprise,  and  am  ready  to  make  manifest 
when  that  shall  become  necessary. 


S.  C.  C.  M. 

I,  Panfilo  Narvdez,  native  of  these  your  kingdoms,  and  resi 
dent  of  the  Island  of  Fernandina,  presented  a  petition  to  your 
very  high  Council  in  Toledo,  proposing  to  serve  Your  Majesty 
by  the  exploration,  conquest  and  populating  of  certain  lands  in 
the  Ocean  Sea,  asking  that  the  subjugation  of  the  countries  there 
are  from  the  Rio  de  Palmas  to  Florida  might  be  given  me, 
where  I  would  explore,  conquer,  populate  and  discover  all  there 
is  to  be  found  of  Florida  in  those  parts,  at  my  cost;  and  to  that 
end  I  beg  Your  Highness  to  bestow  on  me  as  follows:  1. 

Your  Majesty  be  pleased  to  make  me  Governor  and  Chief 
Justice  for  my  term  of  life,  and  Captain  General,  with  adequate 
salary  for  each.  2. 

More :  I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  confer  on  me  the  High 
Constabulary  of  said  lands  I  shall  people  in  your  royal  name, 
for  me,  my  heirs  and  successors.  3. 

More :  I  beg   Your  Majesty  to  bestow  on  me  the  custody 


APPENDIX.  209 

of  lands  for  fortifications  Your  Majesty  may  require  to  have 
erected  in  those  parts  in  your  royal  name,  for  me  and  my  heirs.  4. 

More :  I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  grant  me  the  tenth  of  all 
that  you  may  have  of  royal  rents  forever.  5. 

More :  I  solicit  Your  Majesty  that  whatsoever  I  take  unto 
those  parts  for  sustaining  those  lands,  such  as  horses,  arms  and 
all  other  things,  shall  pay  no  duty  while  I  live.  6. 

More  :  I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  confer  on  me  twenty  leagues 
square  in  the  country  I  shall  colonize  and  pacify,  wheresoever 
I  may  choose  them,  with  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  for  me, 
my  heirs  and  successors.  7. 

More :  I  ask  Your  Majesty  to  grant  permission  that  mares 
be  taken  there  from  the  Islands,  horses  and  all  other  herds.  8. 

More  :  I  ask  Your  Majesty  that  all  I  shall  expend  in  ex 
ploring,  subjugating  and  populating,  be  ordered  to  be  paid  me 
out  of  the  royal  revenue  from  those  lands.  9. 

More:  I  entreat  Your  Majesty  to  confer  on  the  conquerors 
of  that  country  the  favors  following,  written  apart  from  this. 

More  :  I  ask  that  Your  Majesty  will  make  me  Adelantado 
of  those  territories,  for  me,  my  heirs  and  successors.  10. 

The  tenth  of  the  gold  to  be  given,  as  has  been  done  in  the 
other  countries,  and  this  from  barter  as  well  as  from  mines.  11. 

That  to  the  first  conquerors  be  given  the  two  cavallerias  *  of 
land  and  two  lots,  which,  after  four  years  residence,  they  may 
dispose  of  as  their  property.  12. 

That  neither  residents  nor  those  who  should  become  so,  pay 
duties  for  ten  years.  13. 

That  they  do  not  pay  duties  on  salt  for  ten  years.  14. 

More  :  That  Indians  who  shall  be  rebellious  after  being  well 
admonished  and  comprehending,  may  be  made  slaves.  15. 

More  :  That  the  Indians  held  by  the  Caciques  as  slaves,  may 
be  bought  and  used  as  slaves,  paying  full  satisfaction  justly  and 
in  presence  of  witnesses.  16. 

*  The  cabaUeria  contains  about  thirty-three  and  a  third  acres.  Dic 
tionary  of  VELAZQUEZ. 

27 


210 


APPENDIX. 


More  :  That  Your  Majesty  confer  on  those  lands,  all  the  gifts, 
exemptions  and  liberties  that  other  lands  and  islands  have.*  17. 


*  Across  the  last  three  paragraphs  is  written  the  requirement-: 
He  must  populate. 


On  the  back  of  a  leaf  of  paper  that  serves  to  enclose  the  previous 
petition  from  Narvaez,  is  this  memorandum  of  orders  made  in  Council 
of  the  Indias,  the  figures  corresponding  to  those  on  the  concessions 
he  asks. 

1.  That  his  majesty  concede  to  him  the  conquest  and  colonization 
of  the  countries  from  to  the  cape  of  Florida,  on  condition  that 
he  be  obliged  to  take  from  these  realms  of  Castilla,  persons  and 
their  families,  who  are  not  prohibited  from  being  colonists,  making 
two  or  more  towns,  as  to  him  shall  appear  best,  at  the  places  he 
shall  see  proper,  and  for  every  one  of  these  settlements  he  shall 
take  at  least  one  hundred  men  ;  and  in  the  same  country  there  should 
and  shall  be  made  two  fortresses,  all  at  his  cost,  and  he  shall  leave 
Spain  with  at  least  CC.  men  the  first  voyage,  within  a  year  from 
date,  and  give  security  that  he  do  accordingly. 

2.  Fiat :  with  salary  of  100,050  maravedices  for  Governor,  and  50,000 
for  Captain  General. 

3.  Fiat :  for  his  life  time,  and  one  more. 

4.  Fiat :  for  him  and  one  successor  of  his,  with  salary  of  60,000  for 
each  he  proposes  to  build. 

5.  Fiat :  This  is  not  right  nor  fair ;  for  what  he  either  has  served  or 
is  to  serve  or  shall  spend  in  this,  should  be  given  him  fourfold  the 


APPENDIX.  211 

advantages,  after  deducting  costs  and  the  salaries  belonging  to  His 
Majesty. 

6.  Fiat :  not  being  for  merchandise  and  exchange,  but  for  his  house 
and  person. 

7.  Ten  leagues  square  and  land  to  populate,  not  being  of  the  best, 
nor  the  worst,  to  be  selected  and  indicated  by  him  and  the  royal  offi 
cials,  including  no  city  or  town  mth  jurisdiction  that  can  conflict  with 
that  supreme. 

8.  Fiat: 

9.  This  is  not  proper :  the  King  will  grant  him  other  favors  for 
what  he  will  expend  in  this. 

10.  Fiat: 

11.  The  tithe  of  the  gold  from  mines  for  the  first  three  years,  and 
thence  lowering  to  the  five  per  centum ;  but  from  barter  always 
the  five. 

12.  Fiat: 

13.  Those  who  should  be  of  the  first  voyage,  and  those  afterwards 
for  five  years  that  were  not,  as  respects  disposal  of  merchandise. 

14.  Fiat: 

15.  Fiat :  observing  the  instructions  that  will  be  given  him. 

16.  Mat :  being  slaves  according  to  the  instructions  to  be  given. 

17.  The  favors  will  be  granted,  not  adverse  to  the  country,  but 
favorable,  which  he  will  specify. 


n. 

INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  FACTOR  OF  FLORIDA. 

Original  in  the  Archive  General  de  India*,  at  Seville,  in  the  package  inscribed 
"  N»  ESPA&A  Descubrimientos,  Descripciones  y  Pobladones.  Lego- 1 ;  atto  a  1520 
1527."  It  appears  to  be  a  draft  in  blank  for  a  formal  authorization,  with  the  signa 
ture  of  Charles  V.  No  appointment  to  the  office  seems  ever  to  have  been  made. 

THE  KING. 

What  you,  ,  are  to  do  in  the  office  you 

take  with  you  as  our  Factor  of  the  Rio  de  las  Palmas  and  land 
which  Pamphilo  de  Narvdez, —  whom  we  have  provided  with 
the  government  thereof, —  goes  to  settle,  is  as  follows  : 

First:  In  the  City  of  Sevilla  you  will  present  our  provision, 
which  you  bear  for  that  station, —  to  our  officials,  in  the  House 


212  APPENDIX. 

of  Contratacion  of  the  Indias,  residing  in  said  City,  of  whom 
you  will  ask  an  account  of  the  notices  that  appear  to  them  you 
should  learn  and  have  of  the  matters  of  that  land,  and  beyond 
this  instruction,  of  the  manner  in  which  you  should  discharge 
the  duties  of  that  office  for  the  perfect  security  of  our  Ex 
chequer. 

Likewise :  In  that  land  you  will  receive  into  possession  all 
merchandise  and  property  that  at  the  present  time  are  there,  or 
shall  be  sent  there  under  our  order,  from  the  officials  of  said 
City  of  Sevilla,  as  well  as  from  the  officials  of  the  Islands  of 
Espanola,  San  Juan,  Fernandina  and  Santiago,  for  expenditure 
and  distribution  in  those  lands,  equally  the  things  that  apper 
tain  to  our  service,  as  those  for  sale  and  exchange,  all  which 
you  are  to  do  under  our  Comptroller  of  that  land. 

So  likewise  :  All  the  things  of  our  Exchequer  that  shall  be 
in  your  charge,  you  will  barter  and  sell  and  utilize  in  the  manner 
most  for  the  growth  of  the  public  treasure,  and  distribute  by 
the  orders  and  drafts  signed  by  our  Comptroller,  whom  we 
direct  to  take  account  and  specification  of  the  transactions,  as 
well  the  time  as  the  place  thereof,  that  in  our  Exchequer  there 
be  proper  security. 

Also  :  the  things  that  you  have  in  possession,  not  necessary 
for  our  service  and  that  shall  be  for  sale,  you  must  acquaint 
thereof  our  Governor  of  the  country,  and  our  officers  residing 
therein,  that  you  all  collectively  determine  what  should  be  sold 
and  at  what  price,  and  you  shall  try  to  dispose  of  them  to  the 
greatest  advantage  possible;  but,  since  it  might  happen,  as  has 
been  known,  that  at  the  time  things  are  appraised,  they  are 
worth  the  price  at  which  they  are  valued  and  then  cannot  be 
sold,  they  come  incontinently  so  to  depreciate,  that  if  kept  to  be 
sold  for  the  price  at  which  they  are  valued,  they  would  become 
injured,  then  in  such  event  you  will  attempt  and  strive  to  dispose 
of  such  things  at  the  highest  rate,  that  you  can,  in  the  opinion  of 
said  Governor  and  officers,  and  keep  your  specification  and  ac 
count  of  the  price  of  each  article  sold,  that  when  asked,  you 
may  be  able  to  state,  as  is  reasonable  and  your  duty  to  do. 


APPENDIX.  213 

Again :  You  will  go,  with  all  the  money  that  may  arise  from 
such  articles  in  your  charge  as  you  shall  sell,  to  , 

our  Treasurer  in  that  land,  so  soon  as  they  are  sold,  without 
any  deduction  from  the  money  or  price  at  which  they  may 
have  been  sold  while  in  your  possession  and  control,  all  which 
you  thus  deliver  to  be  entered  in  the  book  of  our  Comptroller, 
that  in  it  may  exist  the  particulars  and  amounts  of  all. 

So  likewise :  You  will  have  great  care  and  diligence  in  pro 
tecting  and  preserving  our  Exchequer  to  the  extent  it  may  be 
in  your  charge,  and  improve  and  benefit  it  to  the  extent  possible, 
giving  all  the  good  care  and  solicitude  requisite,  and  for  which 
I  confide  in  you. 

Likewise :  You  must  take  account,  and  in  general  particulars, 
of  all  the  things  that  are  sent  or  given  to  you,  and  of  those  you 
sell  or  deliver,  each  article  by  itself  apart,  that  whenever  worth 
while,  the  entire  account  may  be  seen  and  understood.  More 
than  this,  you  will  have  a  care  to  inform  us  of  the  profits  there 
may  be  on  each  article,  and  likewise  those  said  officers  at  Sevilla, 
and  of  the  Island  of  Espanola,  of  San  Juan,  of  Cuba  and  of 
Jamaica,  that  the  advantages,  if  any,  on  each  article  may  be 
known,  and  whether  it  will  be  for  our  interest  to  send  such 
merchandise  or  otherwise. 

Also :  You  will  be  vigilant  and  make  much  effort  to  learn 
what  things  are  most  profitable  and  necessary  to  be  sent  to 
that  land,  as  much  for  barter  as  for  sale  and  contract,  first 
holding  advisement  with  our  said  Governor  and  officers,  and  then 
informing  us  with  particularity  of  all,  as  well  those  said  officers 
at  Sevilla  and  of  the  mentioned  Islands,  that  they  may  provide 
therefor. 

And  in  as  much  as  the  offices  of  our  Governor,  Treasurer, 
Comptroller  and  Factor  of  that  land  are  separate,  each  in  its 
sphere  having  for  object  whatever  may  be  for  the  good  of  our 
royal  revenue  and  well  populating  and  pacification  of  that  land, 
every  one,  consequently,  should  consider  the  offices  of  the  rest 
as  his,  and  on  this  account  you  should  communicate  and  con 
verse  of  all  matters  touching  your  office  that  are  for  our  service, 


214  APPENDIX. 

and  whatever  else,  with  said  Governor  and  officers,  joining  with 
them,  that  collectively  you  may  see  and  commune  respecting 
what  in  every  instance  should  be  done,  as  well  for  matters 
there,  as  to  serve  and  inform  us  respecting  all. 

So,  likewise :  You  must  have  great  care  that  whatever  occurs 
touching  your  charge  and  office,  wherein  it  may  be  necessary  to 
resolve  and  determine  by  judicial  proceeding,  by  free  decision 
of  a  true  man,  or  by  agreement  of  friends,  you  will  converse 
and  communicate  upon  with  our  said  Governor  and  our  other 
said  officers. 

And,  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  foregoing  and  safety  of  our 
Exchequer,  I  command  our  said  officials  at  Sevilla  to  take  and 
receive  of  you,  the  said  ,  before  they  allow  you  to  depart 

in  the  exercise  of  the  office,  securities  ample  and  approved ;  and, 
since  it  may  be  difficult  for  you  to  give  such  in  Sevilla,  before 
our  said  officials,  our  will  and  disposition  are  that  you  give 
them  in  any  part  of  our  kingdoms,  before  the  Board  of  Magis 
trates  of  the  Province  where  you  shall  so  offer  them,  and  whom 
we  command  to  receive  them  of  you,  full  and  sufficient,  in 
ducats,  which  we  order,  with  the  evidences  and  obligations  of  the 
bonds  you  shall  give,  to  be  put  and  kept  in  the  archive,  among 
the  papers  of  said  House,  and,  thus  executed,  they  permit  you 
to  go  freely  to  the  exercise  of  said  office,  though  you  may  not 
have  given  the  securities  in  said  city. 

And,  that  in  our  Exchequer  there  may  be  the  requisite 
security,  I  command  that  all  the  gold,  pearls  and  seed-pearl 
that  shall  come  into  the  possession  of  our  Treasurer  of  that 
land,  as  well  our  fifths  as  those  of  excise  and  dues  of  every 
other  kind,  be  put  in  a  chest  with  three  different  keys,  of  which 
you  shall  have  one,  and  the  two  others,  our  Treasurer  and  Comp 
troller  of  said  land,  that  no  gold  be  taken  from  that  chest  save 
by  hand  of  the  three,  obviating  by  this  arrangement  the  incon 
veniences  and  frauds  that  otherwise  might  ensue  and  recur,  and 
thus  may  be  sent  to  us  at  the  times  we  have  required,  which 
we  order  you  to  observe  and  comply  with,  likewise  our  said 
Treasurer  and  Comptroller,  under  pain  of  forfeiture  of  your 


APPENDIX.  215 

offices  and  goods  to  our  tribunals  and  treasury,  in  which  pains 
we  will  condemn  you,  and  hold  you  condemned,  the  contrary 
doing. 

Done  at  ,  on  day  of  the  month  of  ,  of 

the  year  One  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty. 

I  THE  KING. 


in. 

PROCLAMATION  TO,  AND  REQUIREMENT  TO  BE  MADE  OF, 
THE  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  COUNTRIES  AND  PROVINCES 
THAT  THERE  ARE  FROM  RIO  DE  PALMAS  TO  THE  CAPE 
OF  FLORIDA. 

Translated  from  an  entry  made  in  a  book  entitled  Traslados  de  la  Florida,  Ua- 
pitulaciones,  Asientos,  *  *  *  de  Gobernadores  desde  el  atto  1517  hasta  J578,  exist 
ing  in  the  Archive  de  Indias  at  Sevilla. 

In  behalf  of  the  Catholic  Csesarean  Majesty  of  Don  Carlos, 
King  of  the  Romans  and  Emperor  ever  Augustus,  and  Dona 
Juana  his  mother,  Sovereigns  of  Leon  and  Castilla,  De 
fenders  of  the  Church,  ever  victors,  never  vanquished,  and 
rulers  of  barbarous  nations,  I,  Pdnfilo  de  Narv&ez,  his  servant, 
messenger  and  captain,  notify  and  cause  you  to  know  in  the 
best  manner  I  can,  that  God  our  Lord,  one  and  eternal,  created 
the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  one  man  and  one  woman  of 
whom  we  and  you  and  all  men  in  the  world  have  come,  are 
descendants  and  the  generation,  as  well  will  those  be  who  shall 
come  after  us:  but  because  of  the  infinity  of  offspring  that 
followed  in  the  five  thousand  years  and  more  since  the  world 
was  created,  it  has  become  necessary  that  some  men  should  go 
in  one  direction  and  others  in  another,  dividing  into  many 
Kingdoms  and  Provinces,  since  in  a  single  one  they  could  not 
be  subsisted  nor  kept : 

All  these  nations  God  our  Lord  gave  in  charge  to  one  per- 
scn,  called  Saint  Peter,  that  he  might  be  Master  and  Superior 
over  mankind,  to  be  obeyed  and  be  head  of  all  the  human  race, 


21(5  APPENDIX. 

wheresoever  they  might  live  and  be,  of  whatever  law,  sect  or 
belief,  giving  him  the  whole  world  for  his  kingdom,  lordship 
and  jurisdiction. 

And  He  commanded  him  to  place  his  seat  in  Rome,  as  a 
point  most  suited  whence  to  rule  the  world ;  so  He  likewise 
permitted  him  to  have  and  place  his  seat  on  any  part  of  the 
earth  to  judge  and  govern  all  people,  Christians,  Moors,  Jews, 
Gentiles  and  of  whatever  creed  beside  they  might  be :  him  they 
call  Papa,  which  means  admirable,  greatest  father  and  preserver, 
since  he  is  father  and  governor  of  all  men. 

This  Saint  Peter  was  obeyed  and  taken  for  King,  Lord  and  Su 
perior  of  the  Universe  by  those  who  lived  at  that  time,  and  so 
likewise  have  all  the  rest  been  held,  who  to  the  Pontificate  were 
afterward  elected ;  and  thus  has  it  continued  until  now,  and  will 
continue  to  the  end  of  things. 

One  of  the  Popes  who  succeeded  him,  to  that  seat  and  dig 
nity  of  which  I  spake,  as  Lord  of  the  world,  made  a  gift  of 
these  islands  and  main  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  to  the  said  Emperor 
and  Queen,  and  their  successors,  our  Lords,  in  these  kingdoms, 
with  all  that  is  in  them,  as  is  contained  in  certain- writings  that 
thereupon  took  place,  which  may  be  seen  if  you  desire.  Thus 
are  their  Highnesses  King  and  Queen  of  these  islands  and  con 
tinent,  by  virtue  of  said  gift ;  and  as  Sovereigns  and  Masters, 
some  other  islands,  and  nearly  all  where  they  have  been  pro 
claimed,  have  received  their  Majesties,  obeyed  and  served,  and 
do  serve  them  as  subjects  should,  with  good  will  and  no  resist 
ance,  and  immediately  without  delay,  directly  as  they  were  in 
formed,  obeying  the  religious  men  whom  their  Highnesses  sent 
to  preach  to  them  and  teach  our  Holy  Faith,  of  their  entire  free 
will  and  pleasure,  without  reward  or  condition  whatsoever,  becom 
ing  Christians  which  they  are  ;  and  their  Highnessess  received 
them  joyfully  and  benignly,  ordering  them  to  be  treated  as 
their  subjects  and  vassals  were,  and  you  are  held  and  obliged  to 
act  likewise. 

Wherefore,  as  best  you  can,  I  entreat  and  require  you  to  under 
stand  this  well  which  I  have  told  you,  taking  the  time  for  it  that 


APPENDIX.  217 

is  just  you  should,  to  comprehend  and  reflect,  and  that  you  re 
cognize  the  Church  as  Mistress  and  Superior  of  the  universe, 
and  the  High  Pontiff,  called  Papa,  in  its  name,  the  Queen  and 
King,  our  masters,  in  their  place  as  Lords,  Superiors  and  Sov 
ereigns  of  these  islands  and  the  main  by  virtue  of  said  gift, 
and  you  consent  and  give  opportunity  that  these  fathers  and 
religious  men,  declare  and  preach  to  you  as  stated.  If  you  shall 
do  so  you  will  do  well  in  what  you  are  held  and  obliged ;  and 
their  Majesties,  and  I,  in  their  royal  name,  will  receive  you  with 
love  and  charity,  relinquishing  in  freedom  your  women,  child 
ren  and  estates  without  service,  that  with  them  and  yourselves 
you  may  do  with  perfect  liberty  all  you  wish  and  may  deem 
well ;  you  shall  not  be  required  to  become  Christians,  except 
when,  informed  of  the  truth,  you  desire  to  be  converted  to  our 
Holy  Catholic  Faith,  as  nearly  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  other 
islands  have  done,  and  when  His  Highness  will  confer  on  you 
numerous  privileges  and  instruction,  with  many  favors. 

If  you  do  not  this,  and  of  malice  you  be  dilatory,  I  protest  to 
you,  that,  with  the  help  of  Our  Lord,  I  will  enter  with  force, 
making  war  upon  you  from  all  directions  and  in  every  manner 
that  I  may  be  able,  when  I  will  subject  you  to  obedience  to  the 
Church  and  the  yoke  of  their  Majesties;  and  I  will  take  the 
persons  of  yourselves,  your  wives  and  your  children  to  make 
slaves,  sell  and  dispose  of  you,  as  Their  Majesties  shall  think 
fit ;  and  I  will  take  your  goods,  doing  you  all  the  evil  and 
injury  that  I  may  be  able,  as  to  vassals  who  do  not  obey  but 
reject  their  master,  resist  and  deny  him  :  and  I  declare  to  you 
that  the  deaths  and  damages  that  arise  therefrom,  will  be  your 
fault  and  not  that  of  His  Majesty,  nor  mine,  nor  of  these  cava 
liers  who  come  with  me. 

And  so  as  I  proclaim  and  require  this,  I  ask  of  the  Notary 
here  that  he  give  me  a  certificate ;  and  those  present  I  beseech 
that  they  will  hereof  be  the  witnesses. 

FRCO.  DE  LOS  COBOS. 


28 


218  APPENDIX. 


IV. 

INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  TO  CABECA  DE  VACA  FOR  HIS  OB 
SERVANCE  AS  TREASURER  TO  THE  KING  OF  SPAIN  IN 
THE  ARMY  OF  NARVlEZ  FOR  THE  CONQUEST  OF  FLO 
RIDA. 

Transcript  in  the  Archive  de  Incites,  in  the  volume  entitled  Libra  de  la  Florida 
de  Capilulacwnes,  Asientos  ....  desde  el  afio  1517  hasta  el  de  1578. 

What  you,  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeya  de  Vaca  will  perform  in  the 
office  you  fill  as  our  Treasurer  of  Rio  de  las  Palmas  and  the 
lands  which  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  goes  to  people,  on  whom  we 
have  conferred  the  government  thereof,  is  as  follows  : 

First,  in  Sevilla,  you  will  present  the  provision  you  bear  for 
that  position,  to  our  officials  in  the  House  of  Contratacion  of 
Indias  in  that  city,  of  whom,  outside  of  this  instruction,  you 
will  ask  a  narration  of  such  notices  as  shall  appear  to  them  that 
you  ought  to  be  informed  of,  and  should  have  respecting  the 
things  of  that  country  and  of  the  manner  in  which  you  should 
discharge  the  duties  of  said  office  : 

And  when  you  arrive  at  said  River  of  the  Palmas,  you  will 
seek  the  Governor  we  have  provided  for  that  land,  to  whom 
you  will  show  the  authorization  you  have  for  that,  your  office ; 
and,  this  done,  you  will  inform  yourself  of  the  diligence  used 
in  the  collection  of  our  revenues,  of  the  five  per  centum  and 
duties  appertaining  to  us,  and  of  the  persons  appointed  to  take 
charge  thereof,  from  whom  you  will  receive  account  of  what 
they  have,  and  collect  it  of  them  and  out  of  their  goods,  to  the 
rightful  extent  that  they  are  owing  from  what  they  have  received, 
according  to  the  instructions  we  have  ordered  to  be  sent  to  our 
Governor  and  officers  in  that  country.  Also,  you  will  have  a  • 
separate  book,  wherein  shall  be  entered  the  account  kept  by 
our  Comptroller  in  those  lands,  of  what  you  may  receive  of 
those  officers  to  the  extent  that  may  have  been  due,  as  well  as 
what  should  newly  come  into  your  possession,  by  reason  of  the 
duties  belonging  to  us  in  said  land,  stating  and  setting  down 


APPENDIX.  219 

each  matter  specifically,  what  it  is  and  when  you  received  it,  the 
full  sum  you  received  for  it,  each  class  of  things  separately,  as 
by  usage  should  be  expressed. 

Also,  you  will  ask  account  of  every  person  and  of  all  who  in 
our  name  have  received  and  collected  the  five  per  centum  and 
other  duties  to  us  belonging,  from  whatsoever  gold,  guanines  * 
and  other  things  which  have  been  had  in  that  land  since  its  dis 
covery,  through  barter  or  in  any  other  manner ;  and,  that  account 
being  taken,  you  will  cause  those  persons  to  bring  to  you  and  pay 
the  amount  they  should,  which  you  shall  take  account  of  in  your 
books  before  our  Comptroller  of  that  land,  whom  I  require  to 
enter  it  there,  and  make  mention  of  all  accordingly  in  the 
manner  and  order  which  by  our  instruction  to  that  end  he 
bears ;  and  who  shall  sign  with  you  in  that  book  and  in  his 
own,  the  matter  in  account,  each  class  of  things  by  itself,  and 
this  self-same  order  I  require  that  you  observe  in  the  collection 
of  fines,  which  have  been  or  shall  be  imposed  in  that  land  to  the 
use  of  our  tribunal. 

Likewise,  you  will  collect  all  the  rents  belonging  to  us  in 
any  manner  in  that  land,  the  five  per  centum  duty  on  all  gold 
and  silver  that  shall  be  melted  there,  or  got  or  had  in  any  way, 
as  has  been  customary  to  pay  in  the  Island  of  Espanola. 

Also,  you'  will  have  to  collect  the  rents  which  may  henceforth 
arise, or  have  arisen  in  that  land  until  now,  on  salt-works,  and 
of  any  other  character  belonging  to  us,  as  paid  by  custom  in  the 
Island  of  Espanola. 

Likewise,  you  will  collect  the  seven  and  half  per  centum 
of  import  duty,  and  all  others  that  have  arisen  or  shall 
belong  to  us,  and  which  should  be  paid  on  all  merchandise  and 
articles  that  to  the  said  Rio  de  las  Palmas  and  its  Provinces, 
have  been  or  henceforth  shall  be  taken  from  here  whilst  that 
almojarifadgo  shall  not  be  rented,  and  when  it  is  so,  you  will 
collect  the  amount  for  which  it  is  rented. 

*  Guafiin  was  an  impure  gold  valued  by  the  Indians  of  the  Antillag 
in  part  for  its  odor. 


220  APPENDIX. 

Likewise,  you  will  collect  the  five  per  centum  and  other  dues 
belonging  to  us  on  all  and  every  kind  of  exchange  that  has 
been  or  shall  hereafter  be  made  in  that  land,  as  well  slaves  and 
guaiiines,  as  pearls,  precious  stones  and  the  other  articles  what 
soever  they  may  be,  upon  which  should  be  duty  of  any  sort  be 
longing  to  us,  of  which  you  shall  take  account  as  required 
before  our  said  Comptroller. 

Also,  you  will  give  great  care  and  attention  to  collecting  all 
fines  that  have  been  or  may  be  applied  to  our  Tribunal  by  our 
said  Governor  and  his  Lieutenants-governor  and  by  other  jus 
tices  whatsoever  or  persons,  of  which  you  will  have  separate 
account  in  your  book,  by  the  hand  of  our  Comptroller. 

Likewise,  when  we  shall  have  incomes,  fields  and  live-stock 
in  that  land  and  those  Provinces,  you  will  take  full'  care  and 
keep  account  of  the  management  of  them  with  all  the  attention 
necessary  for  the  interest  and  good  of  our  Treasury,  as  has 
been  done  and  is  the  custom  to  do  in  Espanola  and  other  islands 
where  we  hold  estate  and  have  incomes,  as  shall  appear  to  you 
best  for  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  our  Treasury. 

You  will  have  to  pay  to  our  officers  of,  that  land  and  yourself, 
the  salaries,  balances  and  perquisites  of  outlay,  according  to, 
and  in  the  manner  that  we  order  the  disbursement  in  the 
triannual  payments  conformably  with  requirement,  and  the 
orders  and  drafts  of  other  sort  should  any  by  our  direction 
be  issued. 

So  likewise,  in  sending  the  gold,  guaiiines,  pearls  and  other 
things  of  our  rents  and  duties  to  accrue,  or  which  shall  come 
into  your  hands  in  any  way  and  you  hold  for  us,  you  will  observe 
this  order ?i  to  put  them  in  good  condition  on  board  the  ships 
departing  for,  and  coming  to  these  kingdoms,  directed  to  our 
officials  residing  in  Sevilla,  the  quantity  in  each  ship  that  shall 
appear  proper  to  our  Governor  and  officials  of  that  land,  to  be 
given  to  the  captain  or  master,  of  whom  you  will  take  receipt, 
stating  the  manner  of  delivery  and  how  by  them  received;  thereby 
you  may  remain  without  responsibility  for  the  gold,  pearls  and 
other  articles  you  shall  so  send  and  they  stand  to  your  credit. 


APPENDIX.  221 

Also,  whenever  you  write  to  us  and  send  gold,  or  when  not 
sending,  you  will  forward  a  particular  statement  of  all  our  gold 
and  property  remaining  in  your  possession,  that  we  may  have 
full  knowledge  of  everything. 

Also,  you  will  take  great  care  of,  and  be  diligent  to  look  after 
everything  that  may  tend  to  our  service  and  which  should  be 
done  in  that  country  or  the  neighboring  islands,  for  their  peo 
pling  and  pacification,  informing  us  extensively  and  particularly 
of  every  matter,  especially  of  how  our  commands  are  obeyed  and 
executed  in  those  lands  and  provinces,  of  how  the  natives  are 
treated,  our  instructions  observed,  and  other  of  the  things  respect 
ing  their  liberties  that  we  have  commanded ;  especially  the  matters 
touching  the  service  of  our  Lord  and  divine  worship,  the 
teachings  of  the  Indians  in  the  Holy  Faith,  and  in  many  other 
things  of  our  service,  as  well  as  all  the  rest  you  see,  and  I  should 
be  informed  of. 

Also,  you  will  send  report  of  the  gold  in  foundry  in  that  land 
and  the  provinces,  the  quantity  submitted  to  casting  at  a  time,  and 
the  amount  that  comes  therefrom,  as  well  what  is  for  us  as  for 
other  persons,  which  report  should  be  in  great  detail  and  very 
specific. 

Likewise,  you  will  receive  and  collect  of  our  Factor  of  that 
land,  the  gold  and  moneys  he  shall  collect  for  us  on  articles,  and 
of  the  rents  belonging  to  our  Treasury,  in  such  manner  that 
nothing  be  kept  by  him,  neither  the  said  gold,  nor  money  that 
may  have  been  received  belonging  to  the  Treasury,  nor  things 
sent  to  him. 

Again,  although  the  offices  of  our  Governor  and  Captain-gene 
ral,  Treasurer,  Comptroller,  and  Factor  of  the  land  are  separate 
in  regard  to  everything  that  appertains  to  their  duties,  yet  as 
respects  our  interests,  the  good  and  increase  of  our  royal  rents, 
the  well  peopling  and  pacification  of  that  land  and  the  Pro 
vinces,  each  should  concern  himself  with  what  appertains  to  the 
duties  of  the  rest,  and  to  that  end,  you  should  communicate  and 
converse  upon  all  the  topics  of  our  service  in  your  charge,  or  of 
others'  concernment,  with  the  Governor  and  Captain  of  said 


222  APPENDIX. 

land  and  Provinces,  and  with  the  officers  thereof,  coming 
together  with  them  in  the  manner  and  form  we  require,  that 
you  all  unitedly  may  see  and  consult  as  to  what  in  each  case 
should  be  done,  as  much  for  that  occasion  as  our  service, 
and  to  report  whatsoever  else  shall  appear. 

In  all  the  matters  foregoing,  and  each  one  of  them,  you  will 
have  care  and  be  diligent ;  and  I  trust  you  as  well  o^er  those 
contained  in  this  instruction,  as  over  all  others  that  shall  there 
present  themselves,  and  herein  are  not  provided  for. 

And  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  foregoing  and  the  security  of 
our  Treasury,  I  command  that  our  said  officials  at  Sevilla,  take 
and  receive  of  you,  the  said  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeya  de  Vaca, 
before  they  permit  you  to  pass  hence  to  exercise  said  office, 
good  and  sufficient  securities ;  but  as  such  may  be  difficult  to 
give  in  Sevilla  before  our  said  officials,  it  is  our  pleasure  and 
will,  that  you  give  them  in  any  part  of  out  kingdoms  before  the 
magistrates  of  the  Provinces  wherein  you  shall  have,  them,  and 
I  order  that  they  receive  of  you  good  and  sufficient  in  two 
thousand  ducats,  and  we  direct  our' officials  aforesaid  to  receive 
the  evidence  and  obligations  of  the  securities  you  present,  and 
that  they  place  and  keep  them  in  the  archive  with  the  docu 
ments  of  said  House,  and  thereupon  allow  you  to  proceed  freely 
to  exercise  your  said  office,  though  you  may  not  have  so  exe 
cuted  them  in  said  city. 

And  that  in  our  Treasury  there  should  be  proper  vigilance,  I 
command  you  that  all  the  gold,  pearls  and  those  things  inferior, 
coming  to  your  possession  as  our  fifths  of  excise  and  dues,  as  well 
as  in  all  other  ways,  be  placed-in  a  chest  with  three  different  keys, 
one  to  be  kept  by  you,  and  the  others  by  our  Comptroller  and 
Factor  of  said  land,  in  order,  that  no  gold  be  taken  thence 
except  by  hands  of  the  three,  avoiding  frauds  thereby  and  the 
irregularities  that  might  otherwise  occur,  enabling  you  to  send 
to  us  periodically  in  the  manner  we  have  given  instructions, 
commanding  that  you  observe  and  comply  with  them,  you  and 
our  said  Comptroller  and  Factor  under  penalty  of  the  forfeiture 
of  your  offices  and  goods  to  our  Tribunal  and  Exchequer,  in 


APPENDIX.  223 

which  we  condemn  you  and  hold  you  sentenced,  the  contrary 
^oing. 

Signed  at  Valladolid,  the  15th  day  of  February,  of  the  year 
.27. 

I  THE  KING. 

By  command  of  His  Majesty. 
FRANCISCO  DE  LOS  Covos. 


doing. 
Sij 
1527 


Y. 

LETTER  FROM  A  MISSIONARY  TO  THE  PROVINCIAL  OF 
NEW  SPAIN  RESPECTING  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  INDIANS  IN 
CINALOA  FROM  THE  PIMERIA  BAJA,  IN  QUEST  OF 
FRIENDS  WHO  EIGHTY  YEARS  BEFORE  HAD  FOLLOWED 
ALVAR  NUNEZ  AND  HIS  COMRADES. 

Taken  from  a  transcript  in  the  Orden  Real  existing  in  the  Department  of  State, 
Mexico. 

Among  the  many  nations  that  there  are  in  this  Province  of 
Sinaloa,  omitting  now  to .  speak  of  such  as  are  taught  the 
catechism  and  are  baptized,  the  information  we  have  of  the 
Nevomes  is  the  earliest  and  most  accurate.  The  nearest  of 
that  numerous  people  live  eighty  leagues  northward  from  this 
Province.  They  are  gentle  and  virtuous,  and  have  always  kept 
good  faith  with  the  Spaniards.  They  have  never  laid  waste 
this  country,  nor  made  war  on  it  and  this  much  is  positively 
known  to  a  time  as  far  back  as  when  Cabega  de  Vaca  passed 
out  through  it,  when  he  arrived  with  three  soldiers  and 
a  Moor  from  the  ill-starred  expedition  into  Florida.  The 
Christians  then  for  the  first  time  coming  among  this  people,  . 
were  most  hospitably  received  and  were  escorted  by  a  large 
number  of  men  and  women  with  their  children,  the  whole  com 
munity  of  a  great  town  rising  to  follow  them,  without  one  per 
son  remaining  behind.  That  the  Spaniards  might  not  be  killed 


224  APPENDIX. 

by  those  nations  through  which  they  should  have  to  pass  on 
their  way  to  Mexico  before  coming  to  a  peaceful  country,  these 
Indians  accompanied  them  until  they  were  brought  to  this 
river  Petlatlan.  On  its  banks  they  erected  a  house  with  fort 
for  safety,  until  a  favorable  moment  should  arrive  for  their 
departure.  They  have  ever  since  remained  here,  where  they 
live  and  are  established,  without  any  having  gone  baek  to  the 
ancient  home  and  horde  a  long  way  off  from  the  place  in  which 
they  now  dwell.  Such  is  the  evidence  of  the  early  attachment 
of  these  people  ;  they  also  continue  to  manifest  it,  being  always 
on  the  side  of  the  Spaniards  in  whatever  conflicts  chance  to 
arise  with  unfriendly  nations. 

According  to  late  and  precise  information,  the  Ne"vome  con 
stitute  ninety  large  settlements  or  towns  of  industrious  husband 
men.  They  are  modest  of  person,  particularly  the  women,  who 
without  exception,  wear  skirts  of  buckskin  elaborately  colored 
with  ingenious  figures,  having  such  length  with  fullness  that 
even  the  toes  are  not  seen.  So  nice  is  the  female  delicacy,  that 
the  little  girls  of  a  day  old  have  petticoats  put  on  them  reach 
ing  to  the  feet,  in  which  they  are  reared  and  are  continually 
kept  covered.  This  precious  quality  is  rare  among  the  inhabit 
ants  of  these  countries,  where  commonly  it  is  of  little  value,  and 
honesty  is  not  more  prized. 

Our  Lord  has  been  pleased  in  the  first  of  this  year,  mercifully 
to  permit  a  great  beginning  in  the  conversion  of  this  nation, 
bringing  to  us  the  inhabitants  of  a  town  and  settlement,  who 
like  deer  thirsting  at  the  fountains  for  their  waters,  ask,  through 
the  door  of  the  church,  peace  and  holy  baptism.  The  nations 
are  won  by  our  uniform  kind  treatment,  and  the  assistance  they 
receive  of  Diego  Martinez  de  Urdaide  the  Captain  of  the  Prov 
ince,  who,  besides  favors  confers,  useful  gifts,  the  chief  support, 
however,  being  from  the  powerful  hand  of  our  Master. 

A  matter  to  me  well  known  and  notorious  is,  that  this  commu 
nity,  living  eighty  leagues  to  the  northward  from  this  town  of 
Spaniards  by  the  river  Petlatlan,  desiring  quiet  and  to  enjoy  the 
protection  that  is  entended  over  friendly  nations,  came  to  beg 


APPENDIX.  225 

holy  baptism  and  to  reside  among  us.  There  can  be  no  higher 
evidence  of  their  sincere  attachment.  The  number  of  persons 
is  three  hundred  and  fifty,  one  hundred  and  fifty  having  re 
mained  behind.  These  I  expect  to  be  here  in  the  beginning  of 
cold  weather,  with  others  who  are  to  join  them.  Being  persons 
of  more  age  and  advanced  life,  they  will  set  out  in  a  season  not 
so  unfavorable  as  the  last.  It  was  a  year  of  scarcity  when  the 
others  came,  although  out  of  the  whole  number  only  three  died 
on  the  way. 

I  believe  that  the  compassion  of  our  Lord  supplied  what  was 
wanting  for  the  sustenance  of  this  people  that  came  with  good 
intention  and  the  desire  of  baptism,  they  having  already  knowl 
edge  of  our  holy  faith  and  of  its  mysteries.  At  night  while  they 
encamped  on  their  march,  one  who  was  thoroughly  instructed  in 
every  thing,  and  long  lived  in  this  town,  being  likewise  of  the 
number  who  escorted  Cabe§ a  de  Vaca  and  his  companions  hither, 
prayed  aloud  as  temastian  *  and  master,  teaching  them,  as  he 
said,  that  on  their  arrival  they  might  be  baptized,  for  what  he 
taught,  their  relatives  who  were  baptized,  believed  and  venerated. 
So  soon  as  they  got  here  they  went  to  call  on  the  Captain  of  the 
Province,  saluting  him  with  peace  and  friendship.  He  re 
ceived  them  with  great  kindness  and  gifts,  making  promises  of 
aid  that  he  now  performs. 

At  the  close  of  the  interview  the  people  went  to  call  on  the 
Father  Martin  Perez,  then  Visitant  to  these  Missions,  who  like 
wise  greeted  them  benevolently,  giving  them  food  and  proffering 
the  help  they  might  need.  After  he  had  bestowed  his  blessing, 
they  retired  greatly  delighted  to  Bamoa,  a  town  of  their  own 
community,  belonging,  as  I  have  stated,  to  this  Mission,  where 
I  in  robes,  with  the  inhabitants  awaited  them.  They  were  re 
ceived  under  great  arches,  with  the  sound  of  bells,  instruments 
of  music  and  thet  voice  of  fine  singers,  the  people  of  the  place 
forming  a  grand  procession  as  on  holidays.  The  new  comers 
having  intelligently  fallen  into  line  with  the  two  great  bodies,  as 

*  TemacJitiani,  exhorter,  a  Mexican  word. 
29 


226  APPENDIX. 

if  they  had  been  so  trained,  we  moved  on  thence,  taking  them  to 
the  church  amidst  all  that  celebration  and  festivity. 

When  I  had  rendered  thanks  to  our  Lord  for  having  brought 
these  persons  to  his  Holy  Church  and  flock,  and  after  the  Te 
Deum  Laudamus,  singing  and  some  appropriate  prayers,  I  told 
them  in  a  short  discourse,  while  they  knelt,  that  all  these  solem 
nities  were  expressive  of  the  delight  and  satisfaction  we  felt  at 
receiving  them,  of  our  desire  to  lend  them  aid,  that  they  too 
living  among  their  relations  might  be  happy  in  a  country  that 
was  equally  theirs,  where  they  should  find  no  trouble,  since  in 
all  things  they  would  have  the  assistance  of  the  Fathers,  the 
Captain,  and  of  their  own  kindred ;  that  the  Great  God  of 
Heaven  and  Maker  of  man  and  things  created,  was  He  who  had 
brought  them  hither,  secretly  whispering  to  their  hearts  for 
their  immense  benefit.  Then  I  said  to  them,  that  in  evi 
dence  of  their  coming  in  a  right  spirit,  they  should  all  advance, 
and  kneeling,  do  reverence  to  the  golden  cross  in  my  hands,  as 
to  the  great  emblem  of  Christianity,  which  by  the  baptized  was 
held  in  the  highest  esteem  and  veneration,  arranging  my  speech 
to  their  early  perception  and  heathenism.  They  came  forward 
and  on  their  knees  kissed  the  cross,  putting  it  on  their  heads. 
None  failed  to  do  so,  even  the  little  children  at  the  breast  being 
brought,  that  it  might  be  placed  on  theirs ;  and  when  any  were 
passed  over,  the  mothers  would  entreat  for  it  to  be  done  to  them, 
lest  it  should  show,  as  they  thought,  the  appearance  of  a  fahe 
heart. 

The  adoration  of  the  cross  being  over,  I  caused  this  people 
to  go  out  into  the  cemetery  or  churchyard,  where  I  divided 
them  by  families  to  lodge  among  their  kindred,  who  asked  emu- 
lously  for  two  or  three  families  each  on  whom  to  confer  their 
love  and  hospitality.  All  having  been  put  in  quarters  and  pro 
vided  for,  food  was  distributed  to  them  in  plenty  by  me  and 
their  friends. 

The  next  day  I  baptized  the  children,  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
innumber,tothejoyofthosejustcome,aswellastothatofthedeni- 
zensof  the  town,  who  saw  in  these  persons  and  their  offspring  the 


APPENDIX.  227 

wide  increase  of  the  Church.  Such  being  their  happiness,  con 
sider  Your  Reverence,  what  must  be  that  of  the  Father  Priest, 
Minister,  at  finding  himself  unexpectedly  with  so  many  souls  your 
already  counted  and  marked  for  the  fold  of  the  Church,  with 
the  great  hope  by  the  favor  of  our  Lord  of  gaining  over  the 
entire  nation.  To  my  Father  Provincial  I  declare  such  to  have 
been  the  gladness  of  my  spirit,  that  it  appeared  to  me  our  Lord 
withdrew  from  my  mind  in  that  one  day  the  years  I  had  been 
in  the  mission,  and  the  many  more  sufferings  I  must  undergo  in 
the  same  career,  though  they  might  be  continued  through  a 
protracted  life. 

The  children  having  been  baptized,  I  presently  gave  orders 
for  instructing  the  adults,  dividing  them  into  tens,  the  males 
and  females  apart,  with  their  temastianes.  They  were  delighted 
to  find  that  we  began  at  once  to  teach  and  catechize,  in  order  to 
prepare  them  for  the  baptism  they  desired.  The  day  after  the 
order  was  given,  good  lands  were  divided  among  them,  such 
as  are  found  in  Bamoa,  to  which  many  Indians  have  heretofore 
come  in  circumstances  similar  to  these.  I  caused  fourteen 
fanegas  of  maize  to  be  distributed,  that  they  might  cultivate ; 
for  they  well  know  how  to  plant  and  till  the  earth.  They  have 
now  homes  of  their  own,  and  are  content  and  cheerful.  I  go  on 
baptizing  them  in  facie  ecclesise,  they  coming  in  to  every  ar 
rangement  with  alacrity  and  satisfaction,  feeling  no  kind  of 
repugnance. 

From  this  my  Father  Provincial  may  learn  what  he  desires 
to  know  of  the  Nevomes ;  and  moreover  that  this  people  have 
come  near  to  asking  the  holy  baptism  as  a  matter  of  right.  For 
their  rapid  and  effectual  progress,  I  will  state  what  appears  nec 
essary  to  be  done,  that  Your  Reverence  may  take  the  proper 
steps  to  place  it  in  the  way  for  consummation. 

The  principal  thing  is  that  Your  Reverence  be  pleased  to 
procure  a  Father  with  all  possible  haste  for  this  district,  to 
give  me  opportunity  of  putting  the  entire  language  into  form. 
There  is  no  work  of  the  sort,  and  sometime  since  I  attempted  the 
task  of  forming  one.  Having  this  preparation  and  with  some  one 


228  APPENDIX. 

to  take  and  fill  iny  place,  by  the  favor  of  our  LcrJa  mission  may  be 
directly  set  on  foot.  The  disposition  of  tl  o  people  encourages 
it,  and  the  pity  is  that  it  has  been  so  long  deferred.  I  proffer 
myself  for  the  undertaking,  though  it  prove  to  be  the  labor  of  a 
life  and  at  the  cost  of  iny  blood.  The  need  warrants  the  attempt, 
the  people  unprompted  desire  it,  and  on  account  of  their  high 
moral  condition  they  are  worthy. 

If  I  am  not  aided  as  I  suggest,  it  will  be  impossible  for  me 
to  do  anything  in  this  way,  because  of  my  occupation  in  other 
languages;  and  having  no  vocabulary  or  thing  written,  the  un 
dertaking  will  be  delayed  and  not  performed  as  it  should  be 
with  the  necessary  preparation ;  but  allowing  me  leisure,  and 
with  what  I  have  mastered  of  the  tongue,  much  may  be  advan 
tageously  done  in  a  short  time.  Although  it  appears  to  be  the 
will  of  our  Lord  that  the  business  of  Mayo  should  have  no 
result,  owing  perhaps  to  my  not  being  destined  to  perform  it, 
may  be  in  mercy  I  am  brought  here  to  remain,  that  I  may 
enter  upon  a  task  for  the  benefit  of  this  nation  and  the  glory  of 
the  Divine  Majesty.  T  shall  go  on  with  the  vocabulary,  doing 
the  best  I  can  until  Your  Reverence  shall  send  me  a  com 
panion,  when  for  its  very  great  importance  it  can  be  my  sole 
occupation. 

With  the  object  of  gaining  over  this  people  and  whole  nation, 
I  recommend  a  liberal  course.  Let  Your  Reverence  be  pleased 
to  obtain  two  things  from  the  Viceroy  as  incentives  to  their 
inclination,  pressing  them  by  additional  objects  and  induce 
ments.  The  one  is,  to  grant  to  those  who  are  here  of  their  own 
free  choice  to  live  among  Spaniards,  and  for  being  ever  opposed 
to  the  nations  hostile  to  us,  as  well  as  for  the  other  reasons  fairly 
declared,  and,  more  than  all,  for  having  journeyed  hither  in  a 
season  of  scarcity  from  a  distant  region,  with  confident  hearts 
asking  the  sacred  baptism,  that  they  be  set  free  from  the  repar- 
timicntos,  and  be  equally  excluded  from  the  tribute  of  encomi- 
enda.  These  exemptions  will  be  very  important  to  the  other 
nations  that  hear  of  them  and  shall  desire  peace,  who  will  be 
thus  led  as  with  a  halter  to  the  Holy  Evangelists.  Although 


APPENDIX.  229 

many  come,  all  Will  not,  neither  is  it  possible  nor  politic  they 
should,  forbidden1  tityHhe  long  distance  between  and  the  rich 
soil  they  possess.  It  were  better  to  colonize  among  them,  and 
thence  communicate  with  adjoining  nations.  I  would  that  a 
decree  be  issued  giving  to  this  people  and  their  posterity  the 
rights  conferred  on  the  Indians  of  Tlasc&la,  who  I  am  not  sure 
are  as  deserving  as  they.  If  the  one  were  true,  aiding  Cortes 
against  Montezuma,  the  other  unites  with  fidelity  great  quali 
ties  worthy  of  consideration  and  reward.  I  have  made  this 
matter  known  to  the  Father  Visitant,  to  the  other  Fathers  and 
to  the  Captain.  All  appears  to  them  well  designed  and  very 
proper  for  attaining  the  proposed  object. 

My  other  desire  is  that  the  Viceroy  may  present  swords  to  the 
two  principal  persons  who  have  conducted  these  Indians,  and 
good  woolen  for  each  of  them  a  suit  of  clothing  j  since  it 
is  they  who  make  this  great  beginning  with  ilatole*  and  argu 
ments  which  they  must  go  over  with  the  remaining  part  of  the 
nation,  to  bring  them  together  in  settlements,  strengthened  by 
offering  a  coaf  or  axe,  spared  from  the  tools  necessary  for  gain 
ing  my  subsistence,  that  I  too  in  something  may  contribute. 

I  look  for  no  little  from  your  great  charity,  from  the  zeal  of 
Your  Reverence  for  the  honor  of  our  Lord  in  the  saving  of 
souls  and  the  promotion  of  this  great  cause,  and  that  you  will 
earnestly  move  in  this  behalf  with  the  dignataries  and  gentle- 
meji  who  have  the  charge  of  providing  for  this  want. 

May  God  our  Lord  give  happy  success  in  all  that  we  attempt. 

If  he  do  so,  since  it  is  the  great  cause  of  Divine  Majesty,  my 
life  is  as  nothing  in  so  holy  an  enterprise.  Had  I  a.  thousand 
lives,  a  thousand  would  I  give  in  the  cause,  that  I  might  bring 
this  broad-spread  people  to  the  Holy  Evangelists. 


*  Tlatolli,  a  Mexican  word  meaning  speech. 

f  The  word  given  to  a  stick  hardened  in  fire  for  moving  the  soil.  In 
the  dictionary  of  the  Mexican  language  by  ALONSO  DE  MOLINA  printed 
in  1571,  it  is  used  in  the  Spanish  for  hoe  and  the  same  is  done  by 
TORQUEMADA. 


230  APPENDIX. 

To  Him  I  devote  myself  if  it  be  His  will ;  that  he  preserve 
Your  Reverence  a  thousand  years  is  my  wish.  To  be  remem 
bered  in  your  prayer  and  devotion,  very  humbly  I  commend  me. 

From  Sinaloa,  29  of  September  of  1629. 

DIEGO  DE  GUZMAN. 

There  are  several  discrepancies  in  this  letter.  Passing  lightly 
over  them,.as  some  of  the  transcripts  in  the  collection  whence 
it  comes  bear  marks  of  carelessness,  we  refer  for  a  correction  of 
date  to  the  history  of  Cinaloa,  where  the  account  has  so  close  a 
likeness  to  the  present  one  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  the  common 
original.  At  the  time  of  the  occurrence  that  is  treated  of,  the 
station  of  RIBAS  the  missionary  and  author,  was  within  twenty 
leagues  of  the  town  of  Cinaloa  ;  and  he  states  the  arrival  of  the 
NeVomes  to  have  been  on  the  1st  day  of  February,  1615,  which 
was  the  year  of  his  removal  northward  from  Guasaves  after 
having  passed  sixteen  years  in  the  Mission,  a  circumstance  that 
would  steady  his  memory  to  the  point  of  time.  He  also  states 
in  his  Triumphos  that  Father  Martin  Perez,  who  is  mentioned 
in  this  letter  as  present  on  the  occasion  of  the  entry,  died 
the  24th  day  of  April,  1626,  a  fact  repeated  two  years  after  his 
book  was  printed  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Vidas  Exemplares 
of  JUAN  EUSEBIO  NIEREMBERG,  who  knew  that  work.  This 
date  makes  the  Temastian  seventy-eight  years  of  age  instead  of 
ninety-four,  supposing  him  to  have  been  an  infant  among  the 
multitude  of  Pima,  who  in  1536,  led  the  war  for  the  returning 
soldiers  of  Narviez. 

Padre  Diego  de  Guzman  is  spoken  of  as  a  great  missionary, 
and  an  ancient  one,  for  havin  •  been  in  the  country  many  years. 
He  appears  to  have  received  the  permission  he  solicited,  and 
understanding  their  language  perfectly,  he  went  among  the  Ne- 
vomes  who  were  seated,  at  the  nearest  point,  within  a  dozen 
leagues  of  the  Hiaquis.  Having  baptized  the  young,  he  re 
turned,  his  place  remaining  vacant.  These,  his  first  footsteps, 
were  soon  followed  by  the  Father  Vandersipi,  who  became  the 
founder  of  the  new  mission.' 


APPENDIX.  231 

Urdaide,  having  been  made  captain  of  the  Province  while  in 
Mexico,  he  returned  in  1599  to  Cinaloa.  The  town  had  been 
settled  by  five  Spaniards  attended  by  a  few  natives.  Here  he 
presided  many  years  with  a  company  of  thirty-six  soldiers,  exer 
cising  civil  and  military  jurisdiction  among  the  natives  so  far 
as  he  could  make  his  power  felt,  and  with  such  judgment  and 
disinterestedness  as  to  receive  the  warmest  encomiums  of  the 
Fathers* 


VI.       . 

PETITION  OF  CABECA  DE  VACA  GOVEENOK  OF  LA  PLATA 
TO  THE  COUNCIL  OF  INDIAS. 

Originals  in  the  Archive  de  Indias,  Sevllla. 

VERY  POWERFUL  LORDS  : 

I,  Alvar  Nunez  Cabega  de  Vaca,  having  been  informed  that 
Pedro  Dorantes,  against  whom  I  made  complaint,  was  not  at 
fault  in  my  seizure  nor  for  its  consequences,  neither  did  it  stand 
him  in  hand  to  prevent  it,  making  use  of  the  permission  granted 
me  by  your  council  of  Indias,  I  withdraw  the  complaint  and 
accusation  lodged  against  him.  And  I  require  and  pray  Your 
Lordships,  that  neither  because  of  my  petition  nor  on  any  other 
account,  he  be  proceeded  against  for  the  reason  foregoing ;  and 
to  that  effect  I  beg  your  superior  interposition. 

ALV°  CABEgA  DE  VACA. 

VERY  POWERFUL  LORDS  : 

I,  Alvar  Nunez  Cabe§ a  de  Vaca,  Governor  and  Adelantado  of 
the  Provinces  of  Rio  de  la  Plata,  remind  Your  Lordships  of 
the  length  of  time  you  are  aware  I  have  been  detained  at  this 
court,  without  means  of  support  or  wherewith  to  seek  justice. 
I  am  deeply  in  debt  for  what  I  have  laid  out  on  the  armada, 
carrying  succors  to  those  countries,  where  the  officers  seized  me 


232  APPENDIX. 

and  took  all  my  property,  bringing  me  destitute  and  a  prisoner. 
I  beg  and  entreat  for  relief;  and  that  I  may  seek  out  support 
and  find  maintainance,  that  you  will  terminate  the  imprisonment 
imposed ;  and  as  I  cannot  offer  security,  let  me  take  the  oath  of 
faith  and  homage,  to  present  myself  when  and  as  often  as  Your 
Lordships  shall  command.  And  I  swear  by  God  and  this  cross 
I  have  no  person  and  know  of  no  one  who  will  tru3t  me,  so 
notorious  is  my  poverty,  in  which  may  our  Lord  be  served  and 
may  I  receive  justice  and  favor. 


ORDER  OP  COUNCIL. 

In  the  Town  of  Valladolid,  llth  day  of  the  month  of  April, 
of  the  year  1551,  Alvar  Nunez  Cabega  de  Vaca  presented  this 
petition  in  His  Majesty's  Council  of  the  Indias,  and  the  Lords 
of  the  Council  ordered  unanimously  : 

That  he  abide  by  the  imprisonment  imposed. 


ANOTHER  ORDER. 

What  is  asked  for  and  required  by  Alvar  Nunez  Cabega  de 
Vaca  in  this  petition,  should  not  and  cannot  be  conceded  and 
should  be  and  is  refused. 

In  Valladolid,  15th  May  of  the  year  1551. 

SANTANDER. 


APPKXPTX 


vn. 

ALVA  NUNEZ  CABE£A  DE  VACA. 

Everything  in  the  life  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabega  de  Vaca 
seemed  destined  to  occur  out  of  the  ordinary  course ;  and  to  be 
either  clouded  by  the  perversity  of  fortune,  or  obscured  by  a 
mystery  impossible  to  penetrate.  Nothwithstanding  the  most 
zealous  devotion  of  scholars,  and  the  ceaseless  delving  of  an 
tiquaries,  the  place  and  period,  both  of  his  birth  and  his  decease, 
have  evaded  their  research.  His  family  was  so  eminent  and 
ancient,  that  its  dignity  has  been  recorded  in  a  Chronological 
History  '  of  formidable  dimensions ;  yet  the  name  of  the  only 
member  whose  renown  will  preserve  it  from  oblivion  is  dis 
missed  with  the  briefest  record. 

The  patronymic  of  his  ancestors  was  Vera  whose  lineage  the 
author  traces  back  to  the  12th  century,  but  from  some  caprice, 
not  at  all  explained,  the  grandson  of  the  conqueror  of  the  Cana 
ries  assumed  the  name  of  his  mother's  house  —  Cabeca  de  Vaca, 
or  cow's  head.  The  origin  of  this  unpoetical  name  is  discussed 
by  the  family  genealogist  at  great  length,  adducing  in  the  course 
of  his  speculations,  eight  hypotheses,  maintained  by  as  many 
learned  antiquaries.  The  author  finds  evidence  of  two  of  the 
name  of  Vaca  having  fought  at  the  battle  of  Navas  ?  in  1099. 

M.  Ternaux,  in  the  preface  to  his  French  version  of  the 
Commentaries,'2  narrates  a  traditionary  origin  of  the  name, 
which  at  least  redeems  it  from  vulgarity.  His  account,  tinged 
as  it  is  with  the  rich  medieval  glow,  with  which  Spanish  annalists 
seldom  fail  to  color  their  histories,  states : 

1  Oenealogia  de  la  noble  y  antiqua  de  Cabeza  de  Vaca.    En  Madrid, 
1052. 

2  Vol.  6  of  Voyages  Relations  et  Memoires  de  I'Amerique.    Paris,  1837. 

30 


234  APPENDIX. 

"  In  the  month  of  July,  1212,  the  Christian  army,  com 
manded  by  the  kings  of  Castile,  Aragon  and  Navarre  advanced 
against  the  Moors,  and  arriving  at  Castro-Ferrel  found  all  the 
passes  occupied  by  the  enemy.  The  Christians  were  about  to 
return  on  their  steps,  when  a  berger  named  Martin  Alhaja 
presented  himself  to  the  King  of  Navarre  and  offered  to  indicate 
a  route  by  which  the  army  could  pass  without  obstacles.  The 
King  sent  with  him  Don  Diego  Lopez  de  Naro  and  Don  Garcia 
Romen.  In  order  that  they  might  recognize  the  pass,  Alhajo 
placed  at  the  entrance  the  skeleton  of  the  head  of  a  cow  (Cabeca  de 
Vaca).  The  12th  of  the  same  month  the  Christians  gained  the 
.battle  of  Navas  de  Tolosa,  which  assured  forever  their  supre 
macy  over  the  Moors.  The  King  recompensed  Martin  Alhajo 
by  ennobling  him  and  his  descendants,  and  to  commemorate  the 
event  by  which  he  had  merited  the  honor,  changed  his  name  to 
Cabeya  de  Vaca." 

Three  centuries  have  brought  but  little  more  to  light,  regard 
ing  Alvar  Nunez  than  he  himself  vouchsafes  to  us,  in  his 
Relacion  and  Commentaries.  What  motives  induced  him  to 
accompany  the  ill-fated  Narvaez  in  his  expedition  to  Florida,  as 
Treasurer  for  the  King,  he  leaves  us  to  conjecture. 

Of  the  occurrences  during  the  six  years  he  spent  in  wandering 
among  the  tribes  near  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Sancto  he  is  very 
reticent,  as  he  is  of  the  periods  of  the  events  he  does  narrate,  and 
generally  neglects  to  record  the  direction  of  his  journeyings. 
The  terrible  severity  of  his  sufferings  may  be  judged  from  the 
fact  that  himself  and  his  three  companions  were  the  only  sur 
vivors  of  the  force  of  three  hundred  men,  who  accompanied 
Pamphilo  Narvaez  into  Florida. 

In  consequence  of  his  neglect  in  the  particulars  mentioned, 
it  is  now  impossible  to  trace  his  route,  or  identify  the  places  he 
.  mentions  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  until  he  struck  the  head 
waters  of  the  Arkansas.  To  his  first  translation  of  the  Relacion, 
Mr.  Smith  appended  some  maps  upon  which  were  traced  lines, 
doubtless  intended  to  mark  .the  supposed  route  of  Cabe§a  de 
Vaca's  wanderings.  These  represent  the  expedition  to  have 


APPENDIX.  235 

landed  in  Tampa  Bay,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Florida,  from 
whence  it  marched  north  on  a  route  parallel  to  the  coast  until 
it  turned  westward  near  the  northern  boundary  of  the  present 
state  of  Florida,  passing  near  the  site  of  Tallahassee,  until  it 
reached  Apalache  at  the  head  of  the  bay  of  the  same  name, 
where  they  found  the  locality  named  Aute. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola  river,  the  ill-fated  explor 
ers  now  reduced  to  two  hundred  and  fifty-one  persons,  embarked 
in  the  boats  they  had  built.  In  his  former  edition,  Mr.  Smith 
also  appears  to  have  decided  that  Mobile  Bay  was  identical  with 
the  Bay  Espiritu  Sancto,  and  the  long  sand-bar  east  of  its 
mouth,  Malhado  island.  Northward  and  west  of  the  bay,"  in  the 
southern  part  of  Alabama,  he  groups  the  Mariames,  and  the 
eighteen  other  tribes  he  names.  According  to  this  hypothesis, 
the  territory  between  Mobile  Bay  and  Pearl  River  was  the 
scene  of  his  six  years  captivity.  From  this  place  Mr.  Smith 
traced  the  route  northward  to  Muscle  Shoals  in  the  Tennessee 
river,  and  thence  westward  to  the  junction  of  the  Arkansas 
and  the  Canadian. 

The  translator  seems  subsequently  to  have  modified  this  opinion 
and  to  have  queried  at  least,  whether  the  Bay  of  Espiritu 
Sancto  in  Texas,  was  not  the  locality  of  this  captivity.  This 
hypothesis  has  in  it  many  features  of  incredibility.  The  land 
of  the  Christians  was  so  near ;  (the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  being  dis 
tant  not  more  than  five  hundred  miles  south),  that  rumors  of  the 
residence  or  invasion  of  a  white  people  must  have  reached  the 
savages  of  the  region  of  Matagorda  baj,  and  thus  have  precluded 
the  necessity  of  that  immense  detour  of  more  than  three 
thousand  five  hundred  miles  to  reach  the  same  point. 

On  arriving  at  the  Arkansas  however,  his  progress  is  marked 
by  indications  which  leave  little  room  for  uncertainty  of  the 
route  he  pursued.  The  restless  energy  of  the  Spaniards  stimu 
lated  at  this  period  many  exploring  expeditions  to  the  territories 
of  the  Moquis,  the  Zuni,  the  Pimos  and  the  Apaches. 

The  mysterious  seven  cities  of  these  people,  particularly  the 
far  famed  Cibola,  attracted  the  imaginative  Spaniard  with  a 


236  APPENDIX. 

force  which  he  found  irresistible.  Cabe^a's  description  of  his 
finding  towns  with  habitations,  which  were  the  first  he  had  met 
having  the  appearance  of  houses,  has  obtained  confirmation  in 
our  own  day  by  Mr.  Bartlett,  and  many  other  United  States 
officials  in  New  Mexico.  The  Indians  of  the  tribes  named  erected 
dwellings  of  several  stories  in  height,  each  of  which  is  ascended 
by  a  ladder. 

Here  also  evidences  of  his  passage  were  found  among  the 
Indians  in  1540,  by  the  Spanish  explorers,  Melchior  Diaz  Nisa, 
Coronado,  and  in  the  relations  of  Castenada  Nagera.  Cabega 
de  Vaca  had  arrived  at  Petatlan,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf 
of  California  the  year  before,  with  his  companions,  Andreas 
Dorantes,  Castillo,  and  the  negro  Estivanico,  the  sole  survivors 
of  the  exploring  force  which  set  out  eight  years  before.  Some 
interesting  particulars  which  tend  to  fortify  the  narrations  of 
Cabe§a  de  Vaca,  are  given  in  the  "  Relation  du  Voyage  de  Ci- 
bola  entrepris  en  1540."  ' 

"At  this  epoch,  three  Spaniards  accompanied  by  a  negro 
arrived  in  Mexico.  They  were  named  Cabec.a  de  Vaca,  Dor- 
antes  and  Castillo  Maldonado.  They  had  been  shipwrecked 
with  the  fleet  which  Pdmphilo  de  Narvaez  had  conducted  to 
Florida,  and  had  arrived  by  the  province  of  Culiacan,  after 
having  traversed  the  country  from  one  sea  to  the  other,  as  any 
one  can  be  assured,  in  reading  a  relation  which  Cabeya  de  Vaca 
had  dedicated  to  the  infanta  Don  Philippe,  now  King  of  Spain, 
and  my  master.  They  recounted  to  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoca 
that  they  had  obtained  some  information  in  the  countries  they 
had  traversed,  and  that  they  had  heard  spoken  of,  some  great  and 
powerful  cities,  where  there  were  houses  of  four  and  five  stories 
in  height,  and  of  other  things  very  different  frolu  those  which 
we  found  in  reality.  The  Viceroy  communicated  these  notices 
to  the  new  Governor,  who  hastened  to  return  to  the  province. 
He  took  with  him  the  negro  who  had  come  with  three  Francis 
can  Monks.  It  appeared  that  the  priests  were  not  well  content 

1  Ternaux  Compans. 


APPENDIX.  237 

with  the  negro,  for  he  took  the  (Indian)  women  which  had 
been  given  him,  and  thought  only  to  enrich  himself  with  them. 

"  As  soon  as  the  negro  had  quit  the  priests,  he  thought  to  pro 
cure  'the  highest  honor,  in  going  alone  to  discover  the  cities  so 
celebrated,  and  resolved  to  traverse  the  desert  which  separated 
Cibola  from  the  habitable  country  where  he  was. . 

"  He  was  very  soon  so  far  in  advance  of  the  priests^  that  when 
they  had  arrived  at  Chichicticale,  which  is  the  last  village 
on  the  border  of  the  desert,  he  had  already  reached  Cibola, 
eighty  leagues  from  the  farther  side  of  the  desert,  which  com 
mences  two  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  from  Culiacan,  distances 
which  make  in  all  three  hundred  leagues.  Estevan  arrived  at 
Cibola  with  a  great  quantity  of  turquoises,  and  some  handsome 
women  which  had  been  presented  to  him  along  the  route. 

"  He  led  a  great  number  of  Indians,  which  had  been  given 
him  for  guides  in  the  places  through  which  he  had  passed,  and 
who  hoped  that  under  his  protection  they  could  traverse  the 
entire  land  without  having  anything  to  fear.  But  as  the  In 
dians  of  Cibola  have  more  wit  than  those  whom  Estevan  had 
taken  with  him,  they  imprisoned  him  in  a  house  outside  the 
walls  of  their  city,  and  there  he  was  interrogated  by  the  old 
men  and  caciques  on  the  cause  which  had  led  him  to  their 
country.  As  the  negro  had  said  to  the  Indians  that  he  preceded 
two  white  men,  it  seemed  incredible  to  them  that  he  could  have 
come  from  the  country  of  the  whites,  when  he  himself  was  black. 

"  Estevan  had  demanded  their  property  and  their  women,  and 
it  seemed  hard  to  them  to  consent.  They  decided  at  last  to 
kill  him  which  they'  did  without  doing  the  least  harm  to  those 
who  accompanied  him." 

An  entire  year  elapsed,  before  Cabeya  de  Vaca  reached  Spain. 
The  interval  of  three  years  which  followed  before  he  again 
appears  upon  the  stage  are  passed  over  by  himself  and  other 
writers  with  silence.  We  have,  regarding  the  extraordinary 
occurrences  in  his  life  which  succeeded,  in  addition  to  the  Com 
mentaries  of  Cabeya  de  Vaca,  the  Relations  of  Ulrich  Schmidel,  a 
German  soldier  of  fortune,  who  served  for  nearly  twenty  years 


238  APPENDIX 

in  the  Spanish  conquest  of  the  countries  of  South  America, 
and  who  left  a  record  of  some  of  the  incidents  of  the  life  of 
Cabe§a  de  Vaca. 

The  commander  Ayolas,  during  the  year  1539,  had  organized 
an  expedition  against  the  Pariembos,  a  fierce  tribe  of  the  grand 
chaco  or  great  plains  bordering  the  Rio  de  la  Plata.  He  was 
decoyed  by  the  savages  into  an  ambuscade  in  which  he  with 
every  one  of  his  detachment  was  slain.  The  survivors  of  the 
colony  sent  the  most  urgent  entreaties  to  the  court  of  Spain 
for  succor,  representing  that  without  immediate  relief  they  must 
all  perish.  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  who,  during  his  three  years  of 
seclusion,  had  recovered  from  the  terrible  exhaustion  of  his 
wanderings,  was  selected  as  the  new  governor. 

A  contract  was  executed  by  which  he  undertook  the  rescue  of 
his  countrymen,  the  conquest  of  the  territory,  and  the  conver 
sion  of  the  Indians.  The  terms  of  this  instrument,  indicated 
his  strong  faith  in  his  own  powers,  and  the  worthiness  of  the 
cause  in  which  he  engaged;  for  one  of  its  conditions  required 
him  to  expend  the  sum  of  eight  thousand  ducats,  his  entire 
fortune,  in  the  enterprise. 

The  title  of  Governor,  Captain  General,  and  Adelantado  was 
conferred  upon  him  with  the  right  to  one-twelfth  of  the  pro 
duce  of  the  countries  he  should  conquer.  At  the  end  of 
September,  1540,  he  was  ready  to  put  to  sea,  but  the  winds 
proving  contrary  he  was  compelled  to  return  to  Cadiz  where  he 
remained  until  the  2d  of  November.  After  escaping  from  such 
dangers  of  tempest  and  famine  as  seemed  to  be  the  peculiar 
fortune  of  Cabega  de  Vaca,  he  arrived  at  St.  Catherine's  in 
Brazil  with  two  small  caravels  on  the  29th  of  March,  1541. 
Even  the  courage  of  this  seemingly  indomitable  man  succumbed 
to  the  perils  of  the  ocean,  and  unable  to  overcome  the  horror 
with  which  it  had  impressed  him,  he  remained  at  St.  Catherine's 
three  hundred  miles  from  those  he  came  to  succor,  for  more 
than  seven  months. 

This  period  he  occupied  in  organizing  and  sending  exploring 
parties,  to  discover  a  route  through  the  unknown  territories 


APPENDIX.  239 

which  separated  him  from  Assomption.  On  the  anniversary 
of  the  day  of  his  sailing  from  Cadiz,  he  commenced  his  march 
through  the  forest,  having  dispatched  his  vessels  with  their 
cargoes  of  provisions  to  Buenos  Ayres.  His  narration  of  the 
events  of  this  terrible  march,  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting  of 
h'is  Commentaries.  For  nineteen  days  his  troops  toiled  through 
dense  forests,  and  over  rugged  mountains,  when  they  reached 
the  territories  populated  by  tribes  of  Indians  who  looked  upon 
them  with  blended  terror  and  admiration.  From  these  savages, 
who  had  hitherto  received  no  evidence  of  the  rapacity  of  the 
white  strangers,  the  Spaniards  obtained  welcome  supplies  of  food 
and  clothing.  The  country  abounded  in  fruits  and  farinaceous 
food,  and  the  Adelantado  is  eloquent  in  eulogies  of  the  inhabit 
ants  and  their  territory.  Everywhere  he  found  the  evidence 
of  unsophisticated  confidence,  and  he  was  careful  to  leave 
behind  him  no  tokens  of  any  other  feeling  than  sincere 
reciprocity  of  inoffensiveness  and  good  will.  It  was  near  the 
last  of  January,  1542,  that  the  first  loss  to  his  force  occurred, 
when  he  was  obliged  to  leave  five  of  his  soldiers  in  care  of  a  tribe 
of  the  Guaranis.  One  of  these  had  been  so  badly  bitten  by  a 
dog  that  he  died  soon  after,  and  only  two  of  the  others  survived 
their  maladies.  Having  arrived  on  the  borders  of  the  Yguacu, 
a  branch  of  the  Parana,  in  latitude  25°  30'  south,  Cabeya  de 
Vaca  was  informed  that  a  warlike  tribe,  which  had  some  years 
before  massacred  an  exploring  party  of  Portuguese,  had  deter 
mined  to  exterminate  his  force  in  the  same  manner,  while 
descending  the  river  in  canoes.  His  sagacious  manoeuvres 
averted  such  a  catastrophe. 

He  divided  his  force  into  three  companies,  of  which  the 
cavalry  formed  two,  one  squad  of  which  descended  each  bank 
of  the  river,  while  the  third  consisting  of  the  foot  soldiers  em 
barked  in  canoes,  and  were  carried  swiftly  down  to  the  Parana. 
The  cavalry  and  the  infantry,  as  the  pious  Adelantado  remarks, 
were  by  the  favor  of  God,  permitted  to  arrive  at  the  same  time. 
It  was  here  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  his  countrymen 
whom  he  came  to  succor,  did  not  look  upon  his  coming  as  their 


240  APPENDIX. 

governor  with  favor.  He  had  sent  an  envoy  from  St.  Catharine's 
long  before  his  departure,  with  an  order  for  brigantines  to  meet 
him  at  this  point,  and  although  ample  time  had  elapsed,  his 
commands  had  been  disregarded.  It  will  be  found  that  they 
fell  upon  willingly  deaf  ears.  The  lieutenant  governor  in  com 
mand  had  once  before  rid  himself  of  a  superior,  by  neglecting 
to  provide  vessels  to  convey  his  worn  soldiers  from  aa  inhospi 
table  country,  and  he  now  hoped  to  consign  Cabeca  de  Vaca  to 
the  miserable  fate  of  Ayolas.  Finding  himself  left  to  his  own 
resources,  the  Adelantado,  with  characteristic  energy,  devised 
and  executed  other  means  of  escape.  Thirty  sick  soldiers,  ac 
companied  by  fifty  arquebusiers  and  arbaletriers  to  serve  as  their 
escort,  were  embarked  on  the  native  rafts  called  balsas,  while 
the  remainder  of  his  force  proceeded  by  land.  In  this  manner 
he  arrived  at  Assomption  on  the  llth  of  March,  1542.1  More 
than  four  months  had  been  consumed  in  the  march  and  nearly 
a  year  since  his  arrival  at  St.  Catherine's.  Schmidel  says,  that 
only  three  hundred  men  survived,  of  a  force  of  more  than  four 
hundred  with  which  he  had  embarked,  and  that  one  quarter  of 
his  soldiers  had  perished  of  disease  and  misery.  He  found  the 
humor  of  the  colonial  troops  unfavorable  to  his  pretensions. 

1  Four  days  after,  the  little  fleet  of  balsas,  with  their  freight  of  sick 
soldiers  and  their  escort  arrived  at  Assomption,  having  lost  only  one 
of  their  number,  seized  and  killed  by  a  tiger  (jaguar).  The  report 
which  they  made  of  the  coalition  of  all  the  river  tribes  of  Indians  to 
dispute  their  passage,  was  characterized  by  all  that  eloquence  which 
is  elicited  by  an  escape  from  imminent  peril.  The  river  was  hidden 
by  fleets  of  canoes,  and  the  canoes  themselves  were  invisible  by  rea 
son  of  the  crowds  of  warriors  they  carried.  The  banks  of  the  river 
were  two  living  streams  of  enemies,  moving  as  rapidly  as  its  waters  ; 
and  sending  constantly  clouds  of  arrows.  The  cries  and  shouts  of 
those  on  the  river  were  momently  echoed  by  the  war  whoops  of  their 
comrades  on  the  shores,  which  combined  with  the  clash  of  weapons, 
and  the  beating  of  war  drums,  made  it  seem  that  heaven  and  earth 
were  combatting  each  other. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  fearful  warfare,  and  appalling  clamor,  the 
miserable  wretch  who  fell  a  prey  to  the  jaguar  was  their  only  loss. 


APPENDIX.  241 

They  had  waited  a  year  to  receive  tidings  from  Ayolas  their 
governor,  after  he  had  set  out  upon  his  fatal  expedition,  and  it 
was  only  upon  the  receipt  of  the  sad  story  of  his  massacre 
brought  by  an  Indian  servant,  who  witnessed  and  survived  it, 
that  they  elected  his  successor.  The  crafty  and  unscrupulous 
man  who  received  this  dangerous  yet  coveted  honor,  Martin 
Dominick  de  Irala,  had  time  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the 
soldiers,  and  thus  Cabega  de  Vaca  found  a  new  peril  awaiting 
him,  when  he  demanded  their  submission  to  his  authority.  He 
had  received  information  while  at  St.  Catherine's  from  nine 
fugitive  Spaniards  who  had  fled  from  the  rigor  of  Irala's  govern 
ment,  of  a  character  not  designed  to  inspire  confidence  in  his 
representative  at  Assomption.  Irala  had  been  deputed  by 
Ayolas  to  command  the  brigantines  which  were  to  meet  him  at 
a  certain  port  on  the  Parana  where  his  explorations  were  to 
terminate.  The  cruel  and  ambitious  lieutenant  found  a  pretext 
for  abandoning  his  commander  to  his  fate,  and  Ayolas  finding 
his  vessels  gone,  undertook  to  penetrate  the  terrible  maze  of  a 
tropical  forest,  and  while  worn  down  with  famine,  sickness  and 
fatigue,  perished  in  an  assault  by  a  warlike  tribe  of  Indians. 
Cabega  de  Vaca  was  not  blind  to  the  design  that  the  same  fate 
was  marked  out  for  him. ' 

Thus  he  entered  upon  his  government  with  an  unfortunate 
prestige  for  himself,  in  his  long  delay  at  St.  Catharine's ;  and  an 
evil  foretaste  of  his  destiny  in  the  ill  will  of  the  man  he  sup 
planted.  His  first  act  was  scarcely  of  a  nature  to  inspire 
confidence. 

Reasonably  enough  the  old  colonists  required  him  to  exhibit 
his  authority,  but  his  natural  imperiousness,  or  the  danger  and 
sufferings  he  had  experienced,  so  clouded  his  judgment,  that 


1 A  contest  of  dissimulation,  commenced  on  the  first  interview  of 
the  chiefs.  Sclimidel  says,  "he  bound  himself  so  much  in  friendship 
with  Irala  that  they  were  like  two  brothers,  and  in  such  manner,  as 
that  the  latter  preserved  all  the  power  in  the  army  which  he  formerly 

31 


242  APPENDIX. 

he  recklessly  provoked  the  anger  of  those  desperate  men,  by  a 
haughty  refusal.  The  only  concession  he  would  proffer,  was  to 
submit  his  brief  of  authority  to  two  or  three  priests  whom  the 
council  might  delegate.  We,  who  are  permitted  to  know  how 
generous  and  extensive  were  the  grants  of  the  king,  can  only 
account  for  this  needless  mystery,  by  supposing  that  his  intellect 
was  affected  by  disease,  or  that  the  evil  genius  whi^h  had  so 
long  governed  his  fortunes, 'still  led  him  with  its  fatal  delusions 
astray.  On  reviewing  his  army  he  found  that  with  his  recruits 
he  could  muster  eight  hundred  men. 

As  the  main  object  of  all  the  marvellous  energy  of  explora 
tion  by  the  Spaniards,  was  the  greed  of  gold  and  conquest, 
Cabe§a  de  Vaca  could  not  long  be  idle.  He  ordered  expeditions 
for  searching  the  country  in  all  directions  for  traces  of  the 
route  to  El  Dorado. 

Ulrich  Schmidel  informs  us,  that  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  commenced 
his  career  in  South  America  by  an  act  of  cruelty  which  was 
the  precursor,  if  not  the  origin,  of  the  long  train  of  misfortunes 
which  ensued.  The  expeditions  he  had  organized  for  exploring 
the  country,  and  obtaining  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of  the 
colony,  had  found  all  the  savage  nations  most  amicably  disposed. 
They  were  everywhere  received  by  the  natives  with  kindness, 
and  their  requisitions  cheerfully  complied  with. 

While  encamped  in  peaceful  relations,  among  a  nation  called 
Achkeres,  Irala  who  commanded  this  division  received  a  letter 
from  the  Governor,  directing  him  to  execute  the  cacique  Achkere. 
The  Indian  chief  was  accordingly  immediately  seized  and  hung. 

Of  all  this  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  gives  us  not  a  single  word  in  his 
Commentaries,  and  as  Schmidel  was  an  ardent  partisan  of  Irala, 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  he  accepted  the  statement  from 
Irala  himself,  who  was  quite  capable  of  performing  such  a  deed 
to  bring  odium  on  his  commander. 

Some  months  after  his  arrival,  a  similar  event,  of  much 
greater  atrocity,  said  by  Schmidel  to  have  been  ordered  by  the 
captain  general,  was  performed  by  the  same  Irala.  A  tribe  of 
Indians  whose  name  is  given  by  Schmidel  as  Surucusis,  and 


APPENDIX.  243 

who  are  probably  the  same  spoken  of  by  the  captain  general 
himself  as  Guaycurus,  had  often  made  war  on  the  Guaranis, 
allies  of  the  Spaniards. 

Cabeca  de  Vaca  says,  that  to  compel  the  warlike  Guaycurus 
to  maintain  peace  with  his  friends,  he  was  compelled  to  make 
war  upon  them.  The  story  is  however  told  by  Schrnidel  with 
a  coloring  of  ferocity  that  belongs  more  appropriately  to  Irala, 
and  we  are  again  compelled  to  suspect  a  perfidious  design, 
animating  this  crafty  man. 

"  On  our  report  the  Governor  decided  to  advance  into  the 
country  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces,  and  this  much  against  our 
will  because  the  country  was  entirely  covered  with  water. 

"  The  most  part  of  those  who  had  been  at  the  residence  of  the 
Orthuesens,  suffered  again  the  fatigues  which  this  expedition 
induced.  Besides  Alvar  Nunez  inspired  no  great  confidence 
in  the  army,  because  he  had  never  before  undertaken  great 
charges.  We  rested  two  months  among  the  Surucusis,  during 
which  time  the  General  was  attacked  with  fever  which  obliged 
him  to  keep  his  bed.  But  we  did  not  give  ourselves  much 
inquietude  as  we  cared  very  little  for  him. 

"  T  have  not  seen  in  the  country  of  the  Surucusis  a  single 
man  who  was  more  than  forty  or  fifty  years  old,  nor  a  country 
more  unhealthy.  It  is  situated  under  the  tropic  of  Capricorn 
where  the  sun  is  almost  vertical.  The  climate  is  more  pestilen 
tial  than  that  of  St.  Thomas.  Our  Governor,  Cabega  de  Vaca, 
seeing  himself  retarded  by  his  sickness,  sent  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Christians  and  two  thousand  Carios  (Guaranos)  Indians  on 
board  of  four  brigantines.  He  ordered  them  to  proceed  to  the 
island  of  Surucusis,  at  the  distance  of  four  miles,  and  reduce  to 
slavery,  or  put  to  the  sword  the  whole  population  and  to  spare  no 
Indians  under  forty  years  of  age.  We  have  seen  before,  in  what 
(kind)  manner  the  Surucusis  had  received  us.  I  am  going  to 
recount  how  they  were  recompensed  for  it,  and  God  knows  how 
unjust  we  were  on  this  occasion.  When  we  arrived  at  their 
villages,  these  Indians  who  had  no  suspicion  of  our  design,  came 
to  meet  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  but  with  the  most 


244  APPENDIX. 

amicable  demonstrations.  Presently  a  quarrel  broke  out  between 
them  and  the  Guaranis,  of  which  we  profited,  on  the  instant, 
by  a  discharge  of  musketry  which  killed  a  great  number.  We 
took  more  than  two  thousand  Surucusis  of  all  ages  and  sexes 
after  having  taken  from  them  all  which  they  possessed,  as  is  the 
custom  on  similar  occasions.  We  rejoined  soon  after  our  com 
mandant,  who  was  well  satisfied  with  the  success  of  this  expedi 
tion.  As  we  had  a  great  number  of  sick,  and  as  the  army  was 
very  discontented,  Alvar  seeing  that  he  could  do  nothing 
more,  decided  to  descend  the  river  Parabol  and  return  to 
Assoinption  where  he  had  left  a  portion  of  his  troops.  He  ex 
perienced  in  this  city  an  access  of  fever  which  prevented  his 
going  out  for  fifteen  days;  but  I  thought  that  he  remained  in  his 
house  more  from  pride  and  ill  will  than  from  necessity.  He  never 
spoke  to  the  soldiers,  and  treated  them  with  great  arrogance. 
Our  commandant  had  no  consideration  for  any  person,  and  de 
sired  that  all  should  bend  to  him  and  to  his  will.  The  entire  army 
united  in  a  general  assembly,  decided  with  unanimity  that  he 
must  be  arrested,  and  sent  to  the  emperor,  to  render  an  account 
to  his  imperial  majesty  of  his  fine  qualities,  and  of  the  manner 
in  which  he  had  treated  us,  and  of  all  which  had  transpired. 

"  Three  of  the  principal  officers,  namely,  the  Treasurer  of  his 
majesty,  Alonzo  Cabrera  and  Garcia  Vanegas,  took  themselves 
to  his  house  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  soldiers,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  his  person  at  the  moment  when  he  least  thought 
it  This  was  in  the  month  of  April,  on  the  day  of  the  feast  of 
St.  Marc,  in  the  year  1543.  We  guarded  him  as  a  prisoner 
during  more  than  a  year,  until  we  could  prepare  and  furnish 
with  provisions  a  caravelle,  on  board  of  which  we  sent  him  to 
Spain  with  two  officers.  It  was  necessary  to  choose  another  chief 
to  administer  the  country  and  command  the  army  until  we  could 
receive  the  orders  of  his  majesty.  Martin  Dominique  de  Irala, 
who  had  been  already  governor,  was  proclaimed  general  because 
he  was  much  loved  by  the  troops.  Every  one  was  satisfied  ex 
cept  some  officers  who  had  been  friends  of  Alvar  Nunez,  but 
those  enjoyed  but  little  consideration." 


APPENDIX.  245 

This  narration  of  Schrnidel  has  its  chief  interest  in  disclosing 
the  sentiments  of  Cabega  de  Vaca's  enemies  in  his  government. 
His  own  relation  of  his  arrest,  is  more  dramatic,  and  minute. 
Of  the  massacre  of  the  Surucusis,  the  captain  general  does  not 
utter  a  word.  If  the  tribe  mentioned  by  Schmidel  is  identical 
with  the  Guarcurus,  Cabega  de  Vaca  has  given  us  the  provoca 
tion  which  originated  hostilities.  There  is  however  somewhat 
more  reason  to  believe  that  the  nation  of  Indians  called  Suru 
cusis  by  Schmidel  is  the  same  as  the  one  designated  Socorinos 
in  the  Commentaries.  They  inhabited  an  island  a  league  dis 
tant  from  the  port  of  Rios,  near  which  the  Spaniards  were 
encamped.  The  captain  general  narrates  a  long  train  of  hostile 
acts,  performed  by  this  tribe,  terminating  with  the  murder  and 
devouring  of  five  Spaniards.  In  a  single  assault  they  subsequently 
slew  fifty-eight  Christians.  On  this,  Cabe§a  having  duly  sum 
moned  them,  by  the  process  required  by  law,  and  caused  a 
formal  inquest  to  be  made,  declared  them  enemies. 

Not  a  word  more  does  he  vouchsafe  regarding  the  rebellious 
Socorinos,  or  their  punishment.  At  this  point  his  narrative  of 
his  campaigns  abruptly  closes,  and  he  commences  a  relation  of 
his  own  grievances. 

He  coincides  with  Schmidel  in  the  cause  of  his  abandonment 
of  the  campaign,  on  account  of  the  epidemic  from  which  he  and 
his  troops  were  suffering.  The  general  attributes  his  unpopu 
larity  to  two  measures  tending  to  the  furtherance  of  good  morals 
and  religion  which  he  enforced.  The  first  was  his  order  for  the 
release  of  one  hundred  Indian  girls  with  whom  his  officers  and 
men  cohabited ;  in  order,  he  says,  to  avert  the  anger  of  God, 
which  had  stricken  them  with  the  terrible  fever.1  The  second 


'He  declared  that  it  was  the  express  command  of  His  Majesty  that 
no  Indian  should  be  reduced  to  slavery,  and  that  they  could  not  hope 
for  the  favor  of  God  if  they  deprived  the  natives  of  their  liberty. 
He  could  not  know  that  a  greater  philanthropist  Bartholomew  de  Las 
Casas,  was  at  that  very  hour  struggling  for  the  freedom  of  the  natives 
of  tho  Northern  Continent. 


246  APPENDIX. 

was  his  enforcement  of  the  law  against  cannibalism  among  his 
savage  allies.  His  soldiers  demanded  their  indulgence  in  this 
loathsome  diet,  because  the  Indians  threatened  to  abandon  the 
Spaniards  if  deprived  of  it.  Compelled  by  disease,  and  the 
constant  attacks  of  the  savages  to  return  to  Assomption.  he  had 
scarcely  arrived  there,  when  a  conspiracy  was  formed  to  seize 
his  person.  The  subtle  Irala,  who  is  believed  bv  Herrara, 
Barcia,  and  Funes,  to  have  been  the  instigator  of  the  insurrec 
tion,  does  not  appear  once  in  the  foreground. 

The  insurgents  charged  such  designs  upon  the  general  as 
they  thought  would  most  readily  inflame  the  passions  of  their 
comrades,  the  residents  of  Assomption,  and  Buenos  Ayres. 

On  his  arrival  all  his  property  was  plundered  or  confiscated ; 
consisting  among  other  items,  of  ten  brigantines  and  property 
amounting  to  one  hundred  thousand  castellanos  (about  $300,000). 
The  Governor  was  hurried  to  prison  from  the  bed  which  to  his 
malady  condemned  him,  and  heavy  chains  were  riveted  upon 
his  feet.  The  guard  under  which  he  was  placed  were  so  cruelly 
rigid,  that  no  person  was  permitted  even  to  see  him,  and  for  a 
great  part  of  the  year  in  which  he  was  thus  immured,  his 
friends  believed  him  dead. 

At  last  the  vessel  which  had  been  preparing  for  his  recep 
tion  was  ready ;  and  he  was  taken  from  his  cell  more  dead  than 
alive.  On  being  brought  by  two  soldiers  into  the  light  of  day 
hj  begged  them  to  let  him  fall  upon  his  knees,  that  he  might 
thank  the  good  God  who  had  permitted  him  once  more  to 
behold  the  sun.  So  feeble  was  his  condition,  that  he  was 
unable  to  rise  after  this  act  of  devotion,  and  the  soldiers  were 
compelled  to  lift  him  to  his  feet,  and  support  him  while  he 
dragged  his  feeble  body  to  the  ship.  During  all  this  period  of 
suffering  and  imprisonment,  Irala  who  had  been  elected  to  the 
supreme  power,  permitted  no  amelioration  of  its  rigor.  But 
the  friends  of  the  deposed  Governor,  although  powerless  in 
avowed  hostility  to  the  revolution,  aided  him  in  secret  by 
securing  in  the  most  ingenious  manner,  the  transmission  of  his 
papers.  Cabei;a  de  Vaca  or  rather  Hernandez,  his  secretary, 


APPENDIX.  247 

narrates  the  circumstance  as  follows  :  "  During  the  arming  and 
equipment  of  the  brigantine,  in  which  he  was  to  be  carried 
away,  the  friends  of  the  Governor  concerted  with  the  carpenters 
to  cause  a  beam  as  large  as  one's  thigh  to  be  hollowed  three 
palms  long.  In  this  they  placed  the  process  of  general  informa 
tion  which  the  Governor  had  prepared  to  submit  to  his  Majesty, 
with  such  other  papers  as  his  friends  had  secured  at  the  time 
of  his  arrest,  and  which  were  necessary  to  his  defense.  The 
packet  enveloped  in  waxed  linen,  was  then  enclosed  in  the 
timber  which  was  firmly  nailed  to  the  poop  of  the  brigantine 
with  six  nails  at  the  two  extremities.  The  carpenters  said  that 
it  was  required  in  this  place  to  strengthen  the  ship,  and  the 
operation  was  so  secretly  performed  that  no  person  could  dis 
cover  it.  The  master  carpenter  gave  word  to  a  sailor  who  was 
one  of  the  crew,  in  order  that  he  could  take  these  papers,  when 
he  should  arrive  in  Spain." 

During  his  imprisonment  an  incident  occurred  so  character 
istic  of  the  temper  of  his  enemies,  the  fidelity  of  his  friends, 
and  the  ingenuity  of  the  natives,  that  Cabeya  de  Vaca  records 
it  with  great  minuteness  in  his  Commentaries.  To  prevent  the 
possibility  of  any  communication  regarding  the  affairs  of  the 
country  reaching  him,  only  one  attendant,  an  Indian  woman, 
was  permitted  to  enter  his  cell.  Not  only  was  she  compelled 
to  perform  her  service  entirely  naked,  but  her  hair  was  closely 
shaved,  and  her  person  subjected  to  the  most  indecent  examina 
tion  whenever  she  returned  to  the  prison.  Notwithstanding 
the  apparently  impossible  evasion  of  their  scrutiny,  the  subtilty 
of  the  crafty  Indian  pievailed.  A  scroll  of  fine  paper  was 
enclosed  in  wax  and  concealed  between  the  large  toe  and  the 
others ;  and  while  the  watchful  eyes  of  the  jailor  (whose  hatred 
the  Governor  had  gained  by  his  punishment  of  some  atrocious 
crime)  were  constantly  upon  her,  she  contrived  to  place  it 
within  his  reach.  On  entering  his  cell  she  announced  her  pos 
session  of  a  message  by  tapping  the  floor  with  her  foot,  and  at 
the  proper  moment  while  appearing  to  be  scratching  it,  de 
tached  the  message.  In  the  same  manner  she  supplied  him 


248  APPENDIX. 

with  a  powder,  which  dissolved  in  spittle  formed  an  ink,  by 
which  he  was  able  to  record  his  instructions  to  his  friends. 
The  conspirators  becoming  aware  that  communications  were 
frequently  passing  between  the  Governor  and  his  adherents, 
employed  every  art  to  discover  the  means.  Four  young  men 
were  at  various  times  selected  to  seduce  the  Indian  woman,  to 
whom  they  made  numerous  presents,  but  although  she  thought 
lightly  of  her  chastity,  and  made  no  difficulty  in  surrendering  it, 
no  enticements  could  prevail  upon  her  to  become  a  traitress, 
and  during  the  eleven  months  in  which  they  made  their  reports 
they  could  not  obtain  from  her  a  word. 

As  he  was  about  to  be  led  on  board,  he  announced  with  an 
intrepidity  almost  incredible  that  he  delegated  Captain  Salu- 
zar  as  his  lieutenant  in  the  government.  Garcia  de  Venegas, 
one  of  his  jailors,  threw  himself  upon  the  Governor  with  his 
dagger,  saying,  "  If  you  thus  prove  traitor  to  the  king  I  will 
tear  your  soul  out  of  your  body.  If  you  speak  again  I  will  pon 
iard  you."  In  the  melee  which  ensued,  Cabe§a  was  slightly 
wounded  in  the  chest;  and  was  both  by  friends  and  enemies 
hurried  on  board  the  vessel  to  sav.d  his  life.  He  was  loaded  with 
chains,  which  were  secured  to  the  deck,  from  which  he  was  only 
released  when  the  vessel  was  supposed  to  be  foundering  in  a  tem 
pest.  After  his  imprisonment  the  Governor  affords  us  little  more 
than  surmises  regarding  the  dates  of  the  events  he  relates, 
but  from  comparison  with  other  incidents,  we  ascertain  that  it 
was  near  the  1st  of  June,  1545,  when  he  embarked  as  a  pri 
soner.  So  strictly  was  the  deposed  Governor  guarded  that  even 
his  own  domestics  on  board  were  not  permitted  to  serve  him. 
and  his  food  was  brought  him  by  his  jailors,  who  were  the 
persons  that  first  seized  him.  He  charges  them  with  making 
three  attempts  to  poison  him  with  arsenic,  but  anticipating 
such  an  event,  he  had  taken  the  precaution  to  provide  himself 
with  some  antidotes.  Two  monks  who  accompanied  him  down 
the  river  were  not  permitted  to  remain  on  the  brigantine,  but 
were  sent  back  to  Assomption  as  were  also  his  servants,  in  the 
fear  that  they  would  represent  the  conduct  of  the  Governor 


APPENDIX.  249 

in  too  favorable  a  light.  A  great  tempest  which  lasted  four 
days,  awakened  such  remorse  in  his  jailors  that  Cabrera  hastened 
to  remove  his  irons,  and  Venegas  kissed  his  feet,  both  of  the 
pusillanimous  wretches  in  their  uncontrollable  panic,  confessing 
that  they  had  cruelly  wronged  him,  and  uttered  more  than  two 
thousand  lies  against  him.  They  declared  that  they  believed 
God  had  sent  this  terrible  tempest  as  an  indication  of  his 
wrath  against  them,  and  in  the  most  piteous  terms  supplicated 
his  pardon.  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  adds:  "  As  soon  as  they  had  re 
moved  the  chains  from  the  Governor  the  sea  and  winds  were 
appeased,  and  the  tempest  which  had  endured  for  four  days, 
calmed  itself. 

"  We  navigated  the  open  sea  during  two  thousand  five  hundred 
leagues  without  perceiving  anything  except  the  sky  and  sea." 
On  his  arrival  at  Madrid  about  the  first  of  September,  1545,  he 
found  the  council  of  the  Indies  in  an  humor  that  augured  only 
ill  for  his  cause.  His  friend  the  bishop  of  Cuenca,  President  of 
the  council  was  just  dead,  and  at  the  head  of  that  important 
body,  sat  the  stern  bishop  of  Burgos  the  enemy  of  Las  Casas, 
and  the  advocate  of  the  slavery  of  the  Indians.  Charlevoix  says 
that  the  bishop  of  Cuenca  had  discovered  the  wicked  design  of 
Irala's  emissaries,  "  and  was  preparing  to  punish  them  when 
death  interposed."  "  Garcias  Venegas  died  suddenly  without 
having  time  to  utter  a  single  word,  and  his  eyes  starting  out  of 
their  sockets,  and  pretty  much  about  the  same  time  Cabrera 
expired,  after  killing  his  wife  in  a  fit  of  madness."  The  machi 
nations  of  his  enemies  prevailed,  and  Cabeca  de  Vaca  entered  a 
prison  to  await  his  trial  on  the  charges  brought  against  him,  which 
he  did  not  leave  for  more  than  six  years.  Mr.  Buckingham 
Smith's  manuscripts  contain  voluminous  minutes  of  the  trial  by 
the  council  of  the  Indies,  before  whom  he  never  seems  to  have 
appeared  in  person  except  to  receive  his  sentence.  The  licen 
tiate  acting  as  prosecuting  attorney  recited  twenty-four  specifica 
tions  of  crimes  alleged  against  him.  The  licentiate  his  counsel 
replies  for  him  with  as  many  rejoinders,  and  his  legal  brother 
makes  as  numerous  replications. 
32 


250  APPENDIX 

In  the  mean  time  Cabega  de  Vaca,  languishing  in  prison, 
petitions  constantly  to  be  released  on  sufficient  security  for  his 
appearance  ;  to  be  allowed  the  liberty  of  the  court  of  the  jail, 
and  be  indulged  in  other  ameliorations  of  his  imprisonment. 
The  stern  refusal  of  all  these  humble  requests  are  clear  indica 
tions  of  the  severity  of  his  treatment.  At  last,  on  the  18th  of 
March,  1551,  eight  years  after  his  seizure  in  Assoaiption  the 
counsellors  of  the  Indies  delivered  their  judgment.  He  was  con 
demned  to  be  stripped  of  all  the  titles  conferred  upon  him,  and 
the  privileges  incident  thereto,  to  be  banished  to  the  penal  colony 
of  Oran  in  Africa,  and  to  be  liable  to  suits  for  damages  by  any 
party  claiming  to  have  suffered  loss,  or  pain  during  his  govern 
ment.  Not  the  Jeast  severe  in  the  details  of  his  condemnation, 
was  the  additional  sentence  that  he  should  serve  His  Majesty  in 
Africa  with  his  arms,  and  horse,  and  at  his  own  expense  for  five 
years,  and  that  if  *he  should  seek  to  evade  it  then  he  should  be 
subject  to  a  further  term  of  service  of  equal  length.  With  this 
sentence  terminates  nearly  all  the  recorded  details  of  the  history 
of  this  extraordinary  man.  An  obscurity  closes  over  his  future 
life,  and  subsequent  fate,  which  all  the  industry  and  zeal  of  the 
most  indefatigable  scholars  have  not  sufficed  to  penetrate. 

It  is  even  uncertain  if  the  sentence  of  the  council  was  ever 
enforced,  as  Hernandez  his  secretary  says,  "  after  eight  years  of 
arrest  at  the  court  he  was  liberated  and  acquitted."  As  his 
condemnation  took  place  six  years  and  nine  months  after  his 
arrival  in  Spain ;  it  is  possible  that  after  remaining  in  prison  a 
year  longer  he  was  pardoned.  But  Hernandez  certainly- narrates 
what  is  untrue,  when  he  asserts  that  Cabeca  de  Vaca  was  ac 
quitted;  as  we  have  before  us  a  transcript  of  the  judgment.1 


1 "  In  the  prosecution  of  the  Adelantado  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeca  de  Vaca, 
Governor  of  Rio  de  la  Plata  being  in  this  court,"  do  adjudge  for  the 
offence  that  lias  been  made  to  appear  from  said  action  against  Alvar 
Nunez  Cabeca  de  Vaca  that  we  should  and  do  condemn  him  to  per 
petual  privation  of  said  office  of  governor  and  Adelantado  of  the 
Provinces  of  said  Rio  de  la  Plata  and  of  right  of  action  which  he  claims 


APPENDIX.  251 

Charlevoix  who  narrates  many  particulars  in  the  life  of 
Cabe^-a  de  Vaca,  principally  obtained  from  his  Commentaries,  and 
from  Herrara,  repeats  the  error,  in  stating  that  although  not 
fully  acquitted,  the  council  hesitated  to  send  him  back  to 
Paraguay  as  governor,  lest  his  presence  should  occasion  fresh 
disturbances.  The  delay  of  eight  years  he  attributed  to  the 
long  absence  of  his  Majesty  from  his  Spanish  dominions. 

"  At  last,"  says  Charlevoix, "  the  emperor  granted  him  a  pension 
of  two  thousand  crowns,  and  gave  him  a  place  in  the  Royal  Au 
dience  of  Sevilla,  where  he  died  at  an  advanced  age."  ' 

Charlevoix  adds,  "  I  have  indeed  seen  a  memorial  in  which 
it  is  said  that  he  was  immediately  gratified  with  a  seat  in  the 
council  of  the  Indies."  2 

to  have  of  said  government,  and  so  likewise  we  forever  suspend  him 
from  the  office  of  governor,  Adelantado  or  any  other  office  of  justice 
in  all  Indies,  Islands  and  Terra  Firma  belonging  to  his  Majesty,  that 
he  may  not  use  or  exercise  them  under  the  penalties  which  befall  and 
inure  to  those  who  use  like  office  without  the  licence  and  faculty  to 
do  so,  and  moreover  we  condemn  him  for  the  time  and  space  of  five 
years  to  be  completed  of  the  first  following  ;  he  serves  his  Majesty 
in  Oran  with  his  arms  and  horse  and  his  expense  and  he  remain  in 
such  service,  and  for  such  period  under  penalty  of  having  the  time 
doubled  of  the  five  years.  And  we  reserve  their  right  unimpaired, 
to  the  persons  injured  in  the  charges  of  the  accusation  in  the  cause, 
that  for  the  years  they  sustained  the  injuries,  they  may  demand  what 
shall  to  them  appear  well.  And  this  definitive  sentence  we  pronounce 

and  order  with  costs. 

Signed  by  six  Counsellors  of  the  Indias. 

Vallodolid,  18th  March,  1551." 

Manuscript  copied  from  the  original  by  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith. 

1 "  But  though  his  Sovereign  might  have  amply  rewarded  him,  he 
never  indemnified  him  for  all  his  sufferings,  nor  properly  acknow 
ledged  the  heroic  manner  in  which  he  bore  the  many  indignities  that 
had  been  offered  him.  At  this  however  we  are  not  to  be  surprised. 
There  are  virtues  which  no  earthly  monarch  can  do  justice  to."  Charle- 
toix,  His.  of  Paraguay. 

-  Mr.  Harrisse  says,  "  I  do  not  recollect  where  I  have  seen  it  stated 
that  his  death  occurred  at  Seville 'in  1564."  He  had  perhaps  seen  it  in 


252  APPENDIX- 

NO  relation  of  the  period  seems  to  have  excited  such  attention 
as  that  of  Cabe§a  de  Vaca,  and  the  cures  which  he  modestly  yet 
fervently  records  to  have  been  vouchsafed  to  his  prayers,  drew 
forth  the  animadversion,  and  the  advocacy  of  priests  and  scholars. 
That  he  believed  divine  interposition  to  have  been  accorded 
in  a  miraculous  way  to  his  supplications  is  evident  from  a  perusal 
of  Chapters  XXI,  XXII  and  XXVI.  In  one  place  a  dead 
man  is  restored  to  life,  in  many  others  the  mortally  sick  are 
given  health.  The  Spaniards  considered  those  cures  to  be 
miraculous,  and  his  reputation  as  a  man  of  extraordinary  piety 
and  highly  favored  by  God,  continued  during  the  three  years 
succeeding  his  return  to  Spain.  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  relates  several 
incidents  in  his  Commentaries  of  similar  import  regarding  the 
divine  favor.  "  The  air  of  Santiago,"  he  says,  "  is  ordinarily 
so  fatal  during  the  spring,  as  that  the  greater  part  of  those 
who  land  there  die  in  a  short  time."  During  his  voyage  to 
Brazil,  the  leaking  of  his  vessel  compelled  his  entering  that 
port,  where  he  remained  twenty-five  days  without  losing  a 
single  man.  "This  so  astonished  the  inhabitants  that  they 
regarded  it  as  a  miracle."  Another  instance  he  relates  in  the 
following  words :  "  Having  passed  the  equinoxial  line,  the 
commandant  examined  the  quantity  of  water  which  the  vessel 
cai'ried.  Of  one  hundred  casks  which  had  been  shipped,  not 
more  than  three  remained  to  serve  four  hundred  men  and 
thirty  horses.  The  Governor  ordered  the  captain  to  sail  towards 
the  land,  which  was  not  found  three  days  after.  The  fourth  night, 
the  ships  were  on  the  point  of  striking  on  the  rocks  without 
any  of  the  crew  perceiving  it,  when  a  cricket  which  had  been 
carried  on  board  the  ship  by  a  sick  soldier,  who  was  pleased  with 
the  music  of  this  insect,  suddenly  began  singing.  Two  months 
and  a  half  had  passed  since  we  had  put  to  sea  and  it  had  been 


Techo's  Historia  Provinciae  Paraguariae  Leodii,  1673,  Capitolio  xiv, 
vol.  I,  from  which  Ternaux  Compans  quotes.  Mr.  Buckingham 
Smith  sought  for  many  years  to  ascertain  the  fact,  and  never  siw  it 
stated  by  any  authority  he  considered  authentic. 


APPENDIX.  253 

silent,  but  the  little  animal  now  perceived  the  land  and  com 
menced  its  song.  This  unexpected  music  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  crew,  who  discovered  the  rocks  no  more  than  a  musket 
shot  away.  It  is  certain  that  if  the  cricket  had  not  sung  we 
should  all  have  perished  :  the  four  hundred  men,  and  thirty 
horses;  and  it  was  by  a  miracle  of  God  in  our  favor,  that  the 
insect  was  found  with  us." 

So  much  attention  did  the  assertion  of  his  miraculous  power 
excite  that  the  Abbot  of  a  Monastery  in  Austria,  named  Caspar 
Plautus,  thought  it  necessary  to  disprove  the  possibility  of  the 
performance  of  miracles  by  a  layman.1 

A  reply  to  the  Monk's  treatise,  was  written  by  Senor  Don 
Antonio  Ardoino,  and  published  by  Barcia  in  his  Historiadores 
Primitives.  His  work  is  entitled  Apologetic  Examination  of 
the  Historical  Narration  of  the  Shipwrecks,  Wanderings  and 
Miracles  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeca  de  Vaca,  in  the  lands  of  Flo 
rida  and  New  Mexico,  against  the  censures  of  the  father  Honorio 
Philipono.  The  Examen  occupies  fifty  folio  pages  in  double 
columns.2 

In  addition  to  the  number  of  editions  of  Cabe§a  de  Vaca's 
works,  mentioned  in  the  introduction,  we  may  add  the  abridged 
translation,  or  paraphrase  printed  by  Purchas.  It  is  due  to 
Mr.  Smith  to  record  here,  that  the  translation  he  speaks  of  in 
the  same  place  with  such  reserve,  was  his  own  work. 

'This  monk  published  a  treatise  in  1621,  entitled  " Nora  Typis 
Truusacta  Navigatio  Novi  Orbis  Indiae  Occidentalis."  He  attempts 
an  extraordinary  deception  in  the  work,  prompted  by  his  vanity.  On 
the  title  page  the  author  styles  himself  Philoponus,  and  in  his  preface 
lauds  the  abbot  Caspar  Plautus  with  most  fulsome  adulations. 
Hinckleman  discovered  that  Philoponus  and  Caspar  Plautus  were  the 
same  person.  On  page  91  of  his  treatise  will  be  found  his  claim  for 
the  priests,  as  the  only  persons  who  should  be  permitted  to  perform 
miracles,  and  his  aspersions  of  Cabec,a  de  Vaca. 

a  Examen  Apologetko  de  la  Historica  Narration  de  los  Naufragios, 
Peregrnciones  ;  Milagros  de  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  en  las 
Tierras  de  la  Florida,  i  del  Nuero  Mexico,  contra  laincierta,  imal  repa- 
rada,  censura  del  P.  Honiorio  Philopono,  en  Madrid,  1736. 


254  APPENDIX. 

The  opinions  of  historians  and  writers  have  varied  widely 
regarding  the  character  of  Cabe§a  de  Vaca.  By  Schmidel,  he 
is  represented  as  a  haughty  tyrant  who  deserved  his  fate. 

The  chevalier  Azara  coincides  with  this  opinion,  while  Herrara, 
considers  him  a  victim  to  the  machinations  of  the  unscrupulous 
and  cruel  wretches,  who  formed  the  colony  and  army  of  Rio  de 
La  Plata.  Charlevoix  elevates  him  to  the  rank  of  a  martyr ; 
asserting  that  he  had  no  other  aim  than  the  service  of  God  and 
the  King;  which  he  exhibited  by  his  fervent  desire  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians.  Barcia  also  gives  him  the  highest 
praise  for  nobility  of  character,  and  disinterestedness  of  motives, 
believing  that  his  zeal  for  executing  the  laws  that  protected  the 
natives  caused  the  revolt.  Funes,  the  historian  of  Buenos 
Ayres,  attributes  his  fall  to  the  same  cause,  and  bestows  upon 
him  similar  encomiums.  He  attempted  the  abolition  of  Slavery, 
to  which  the  Indians  had  been  illegally  subjected,  and  a  reform 
of  the  morals  of  Christians  to  a  standard,  which  would  entitle 
them  to  the  respect  of  Savages,  and  in  both  he  failed.  He  is 
scarcely  to  be  decried  for  this,  as  three  centuries  elapsed  before 
the  first  object  was  accomplished;  and  of  the  last,  history  has 
little  to  record. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  BUCKINGHAM  SMITH. 


The  author,  whose  last  contribution  to  American  history  is 
found  in  these  pages,  could  never  have  foreseen  its  appearance 
accompanied  by  a  sketch  of  his  own  life.  But  when  he  was  cut 
off  by  an  untimely  fate,  attended  with  circumstances  that  excited 
every  feeling  of  sympathy  in  the  hearts  of  his  friends,  cut  off 
while  the  work  was  unfinished,  and  yet  with  the  work  so  at 
heart,  that  even  while  disease  at  last  triumphed  over  his  last 
remnant  of  strength,  he  had  a  portipn  of  it  on  his  person,  all 
will  feel  that  a  brief  notice  will  not  here  be  out  of  place. 

Though  born  in  the  south  and  identified  with  a  southern 
state,  throughout  his  life,  THOMAS  BUCKINGHAM  SMITH  was 
of  -purely  New  England  origin,  and  unconnected  with  any 
family  in  the  section  to  which  he  so  peculiarly  belonged. 

His  father,  Josiah  Smith,  a  man  of  clear  thought,  and  ex 
tensive  information,  was  a  native  of  Watertown,  Connecticut, 
and  marrying  his  cousin,  Hannah  Smith,  of  the  same  place, 
removed  to  Florida,  while  still  under  the  British  flag,  and  re 
maining  during  the  new  Spanish  rule,  once  more  found  himself 
in  the  United  States,  by  the  purchase  of  that  colony. 

They  had  two  children,  Thomas  Buckingham  Smith,  who 
was  born  in  1810,  on  Cumberland  island,  Georgia,  and  a 
daughter  Hannah,  or,  as  she  soon  grew  to  be  called  in  that 
Spanish  part,  Anita. 

Commercial  business  soon  carried  the  father  to  Mexico, 
where  he  seems  to  have  resided  for  a  time,  and  having  been 


256  MEMOIR. 

appointed  United  States  consul,  resolved  to  remove  his  family 
to  that  city.  His  children  had  meanwhile  been  at  St.  Augus 
tine,  and  his  letters  show  the  interest  he  took  in  their  education 
and  progress,  as  well  as  clear  and  intelligent  views.  Bucking 
ham  was  for  a  time,  when  about  fourteen,  also  in  Mexico  and 
grew  up  with  a  Spanish  tone  that  never  left  him.  His  father 
was  not,  however,  permitted  to  gather  his  family  around  him, 
having  been  seized  with  a  fatal  illness  under  which  he  sank  in 
1825. 

Thus  deprived  of  the  guidance  of  a  loving  and  able  father, 
Buckingham  became  the  ward  of  his  maternal  uncle,  Eobert 
Smith,  of  New  Bedford,  by  whom  he  was  placed  in  1827,  soon 
after  his  return  from  Mexico,  at  Washington,  now  Trinity 
College,  Hartford,  to  pursue  the  partial  or  scientific  portion  of 
the  course  of  study  in  .that  institution.  Here  he  remained 
three  years,  and  is  still  remembered  as  one  full  of  youthful  viva 
city.  Edward  Goodman,  Esq.,  and  Professor  William  C.  Russell, 
now. of  Cornell  University,  were  among  his  intimate  friends  and 
associates,  and  Mr.  Smith  then,  as  through  life,  made  friends 
whom  he  never  alienated  or  lost. 

As  he  had  resolved  to  devote  himself  to  the  legal  profession , 
he  was  next  entered  at  the  Cambridge  Law  School,  where  he 
formed  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  George  Gribbs,  whose  studies 
in  after  life  were  so  in  harmony  with  his  own.  He  then 
studied  law  "in  Maine  in  the  office  of  Judge  Fessenden,  the 
late  William  Pitt  Fessenden  being  his  fellow  student. 

Returning  to  his  home  in  St.  Augustine,  Buckingham  Smith 
entered  on  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  while  a  business 
was  forming  with  that  slow  growth  so  trying  to  the  young 
aspirant  for  forensic  honors,  he,  like  many  a  lawyer  similarly 
placed,  entered  the  field  of  politics.  He  was  soon  elected  to 
the  Florida  assembly,  and  was  for  a  time  speaker.  Rigidly 


MEMOIR.  257 

honest  and  truthful,  he  would  have  the  state  as  honest  as  a 
man ;  he  took  a  decided  stand  against  the  party  of  inflation, 
who  sought  to  create  a  host  of  banking  institutions  and  issue 
broadcast  state  bonds,  with  a  facile  extravagance,  that  ere  long 
proved  an  incubus  on  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  Florida. 

Though  successful  in  his  practice  at  the  bar,  he  seems  not 
to  have  followed  it  up  with  zeal  or  energy,  and  a  taste  for  his 
torical  and  antiquarian  studies  soon  developed  itself,  and  grew 
with  his  growth.  His  marriage  on  the  20th  of  September,  1844, 
with  Miss  Julia  Gr.,  daughter  of  Reuben  Gr.  and  Elizabeth  M. 
Gardner,  of  Maine,  also  seems  to  have  tended  to  withdraw  him 
from  active  political  life,  while  his  intimate  knowledge  of  Spanish 
life  and  language  fitted  him  admirably  for  the  post  of  secretary 
of  legation  to  Mexico,  to  which  he  was  appointed  on  the  9th  of 
September,  1850. 

Revisiting  thus  the  scenes  familiar  to  his  boyhood,  and  actu 
ally  the  burial  place  of  a  father  whom  he  respected  and  loved, 
Mr.  Smith  at  once  formed  a  close  intimacy  with  many  gentle 
men  in  that  capital,  who  while  holding  positions  of  honor  in 
the  Mexican  government,  were  devoted  students  of  history,  and 
familiar  with  the  rich  stores  of  printed  and  unprinted  material 
accumulated  in  the  archives  and  libraries  of  that  capital. 
Among  these  may  be  named  especially,  Don  Jose  F.  Ramirez, 
and  Don  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  By  their  aid  and  influence  he 
began  to  collect  a  rich  store  of  documents  relating  to  the  history 

of  Florida-  Boxroft  Library 

His  duties  as  secretary  he  discharged  meanwhile,  with  an 
ability  which  showed  his  fitness  for  Spanish  diplomacy,  and 
when  the  position  of  minister  was  vacant,  Mr.  Smith  as  chargi 
d'affaires  represented  the  United  States,  near  the  government 
of  Mexico  from  Feb.  12  to  Oct.  8,  1851.  He  then  resumed 
his  duties  as  secretary  till  his  recall  Feb.  2,  1852. 
33 


258 


MEMOIR. 


The  first  fruit  of  his  studies  was  an  English  version  of  the 
narrative  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  a  work  of  great 
interest  as  that  of  almost  the  sole  survivor  of  the  expedition  of 
Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  to  reduce  Florida.  Cabe§a  de  Vaca  with 
a  few  others  made  their  way  across  the  continent,  and  although 
they  had  landed  at  Tampa,  reached  a  Spanish  settlement  in 
Sinaloa.  The  original  is  at  times  obscure,  but  Mr.  Smith 
translated  with  care,  and  by  his  notes  enabled  readers  to  follow 
the  course  of  the  strange  journey.  This  work  was  issued  pri 
vately  at  Washington  by  Mr.  George  W.  Riggs,  jr.,  in  a  beau 
tifully  printed  quarto  volume,  with  fine  maps  showing  the 
course  of  the  expedition.  It  was  followed  in  1854,  by  a  similar 
volume  also  issued  by  Mr.  Riggs,  containing  Hernando  de  Soto's 
letter  addressed  from  Florida,  July  9,  1539,  to  the  Justice  and 
Board  of  Magistrates  -in  Santiago  de  Cuba,  together  with  a 
very  curious  document,  the  Memoir  of  Hernando  de  Escalante 
Fontaneda,  respecting  Florida,  written  in  Spain  about  the  year 
1575.  Mr.  Smith's  notes  on  this  curious  tract  were  very  full 
and  satisfactory. 

Under  the  simple  title  of  Espiritu  Santo  Bay  he  added  a 
very  clear  summary  of  the  various  accounts  of  the  early  portion 
of  Soto's  expedition. 

He  also  contributed,  in  1852,  to  the  work  then  issuing  by 
the  United  States  government  under  the  supervision  of  Mr. 
Schoolcraft,  a  series  of  extracts  from  Mexican  archives  as  to 
the  Pimas  and  Casas  Grandes;  which  were  published  in  the 
third  volume  of  that  work  (p.  296,  etc.),  under  the  title  of 
"  History.  Language  and  Archseology  of  the  Pimos  of  the  River 
Gila,  New  Mexico,"  but  without  his  name.  It  embraces  extracts 
from  the  unpublished  journals  of  Garces,  Font,  and  Monge\ 

These  works  made  Mr.  Smith  known  beyond  the  circles  in 
which  he  had  hitherto  moved,  and  brought  him  iu  contact  with  the 


MEMOIR.  259 

historical  scholars  of  the  country.  The  New  York  Historical 
Society,  the  American  Ethnological  Society,  the  American  Anti 
quarian  Society  and  the  New  England  Historic-Genealogical 
Society  at  once  enrolled  him  among  their  corresponding  members. 
His  eminent  fitness  for  the  diplomatic  service,  and  the  advan 
tage  to  be  derived  by  the  great  cause  of  American  history  from 
his  presence  at  the  capital  of  Spain,  led  to  his  appointment  as 
secretary  of  legation  to  that  country  on  the  9th  of  June,  1855, 
the  Hon.  Augustus  C.  Dodge,  of  Iowa,  being  minister. 

Here,  too,  Mr.  Smith  formed  the  acquaintance  of  congenial 
spirits,  especially  of  the  orientalist,  Don  Pascual  de  G-ayangos, 
and  of  de  Bios,  the  editor  of  Oviedo.  He  was  enabled  to  ex 
plore  the  archives  at  Simancas,  and  at  Seville,  and  carried  out 
researches  here  and  into  family  archives,  with  earnestness  and 
zeal,  and  not  only  collected  material  documents,  portraits,  coats  of 
arms  and  other  objects  bearing  on  his  own  projected  work,  a  his 
tory  of  Florida,  but  also  with  that  ready  kindness  which  always 
characterized  him,  finding  and  transmitting  many  documents 
to  the  most  distinguished  of  our  historical  students  and  authors. 

The  first  fruit  of  these  studies  and  researches  was  a  volume 
printed  under  his  own  eye  at  Madrid,  although  bearing  the 
imprint  of  a  London  bookseller.  This  was  his  "  Coleccion  de 
Varios  Documentor  para  la  Historia  de  la  Florida  y  Tier- 
ras  adyaccntes."  The  documents  were  of  very  great  importance, 
and  were  printed  with  peculiar  care  and  exactness,  the  proof 
being  always  compared  with  the  original.  This  he  held  to  be 
the  only  proper  mode  of  printing  documents,  and  he  insisted  so 
strongly  on  this,  that  he  would  not  print  here  documents  which 
he  had  copied  in  Spain,  declaring  that  they  must  be  printed 
where  he  could  refer  to  the  originals. 

He  was  recalled  Sept.  1st,  1858,  and  returned  to  the  United 
States,  his  welcome  home  being  clouded  by  the  death  of  his 


'260  MEMOIR. 

mother,  who  expired  at  St.  Augustine  at  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty-three. 

Mingling  again  with  our  own  scholars  and  students,  he  con 
tributed  various  valuable  papers  to  the  Historical  Magazine*  and 
turning  his  attention  to  the  study  of  the  Indian  languages,  fur 
nished  for  the  Bulletin  of  the  American  Ethnologioal  Society, 
a  sketch  of  the  grammar  of  the  language  of  the  Heve  Indians 
of  Sonora,  which  the  writer,  then  issuing  a  series  of  American 
Linguistics  induced  him  also  to  print  in  that  collection.  He 
also  while  in  Europe  printed  a  fac  simile  of  a  petition  of  the 
Apalache  Indians,  and  one  of  the  Timuquan  tribe,  with  a 
Spanish  translation — documents,  curious  as  evincing  the  culture 
of  the  Indians,  for  they  are  in  both  cases  signed  by  the  chiefs 
in  their  own  hand-writing,  with  none  of  the  marks  or  totems  so 
common  elsewhere. 

To  the  writer's  series  of  American  Linguistics  he  also  con 
tributed  a  "  Grammar  of  the  Pima  or  Nevome,  a  language  of 

*  "  A  Letter  of  Pedro  Menendez  Marquez  "  (vol.  in,  p.  275) ;  "  Books 
printed  in  the  Timuquan  Language  "  (vol.  iv,  p.  39) ;  "  Specimen  of 
the  Apalachian  Language  "  (vol.  iv,  p.  40) ;  "  Letter  of  Father  Francis 
Palou"  (vol.  iv,  p.  67);  "  Vespucius  and  his  first  Voyage"  (vol.  iv, 
p.  98) ;  "  The  Siege  of  Pensacola  in  1781 "  (vol.  IV,  p.  166) ;  ".  The  Patent 
to  Juan  de  Anasco  "  (vol.  IV,  p.  174) ;  "  Pardo's  Exploration  of  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  "  (vol.  iv,  p.  230) ;  "  Memoirs  of  Alonzo  Vasquez  " 
(vol.  iv,  p.  257);  "The  Will  of  Hernando  de  Soto"  (vol.  v,  p.  134) ; 
"  Papers  relating  to  Cartier's  Voyage  "  (vol.  vi,  p.  14) ;  "  Vocabulary 
of  the  Eudeve  "  (vol.  vi,  p.  18) ;  "  Memorials  of  the  Expedition  of 
Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  "  (vol.  VI,  p.  128) ;  "  Verrazzano  as  a  Discoverer  " 
(vol.  X,  169) ;  "  Vocabularies  of  the  Seminole  and  Mickasuke  Tongues  " 
(vol.  x,  p.  299) ;  "  Map  of  the  World,  containing  the  Discovery 
of  Verrazzano,  by  Hieronimus  de  Verrazzano  "  (vol.  x,  308) ;  "  Disco- 
ery  of  the  Northern  Coast  of  North  America  "  (vol.  x,  p.  368) ;  "  Nar 
vaez  and  Florida  "  (series  n,  vol.  i,  p.  24) ;  "  Instructions  to  the  Factor  " 
(series  II,  vol.  i,  p.  109) ;  "  Relation  of  what  befel  the  persons  who 
escaped  from  the  disaster  that  attended  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  "  (series 
n,  vol.  ii,  pp.  141,  204,  267,  347). 


MEMOIR.  261 

•  • 

Sonora"  and  the  adjacent  territory  on  the  north,  with  a  "  Doc- 
trina  Christiana  y  Confesionario"  in  the  same  language. 

While  these  were  going  through  the  press  he  was  bereaved 
of  his  wife,  who  had  long  been  the  partner  in  his  varied  life. 
She  died  in  New  York,  Dec.  26th,  1861. 

Mr.  Smith  had  on  his  return  from  Europe  visited  his  home 
iu  Florida,  to  find  the  public  mind  intensely  excited.  With 
drawn  for  many  years  from  local  politics,  not  even  his  warm 
southern  feelings  could  draw  him  into  the  vortex.  His  fore 
cast  enabled  him  to  judge  the  relative  strength,  and  to  see  the 
final  result.  On  his  way  north,  he  told  an  old  friend,  who 
shared  the  enthusiasm  of  the  South  over  its  new  hopes,  that  he 
could  not  indulge  in  his  sanguine  expectations,  that  on  the 
contrary  he  would  live  to  see  him  electioneering  among  his 
own  slaves. 

The  war  entailed  no  little  loss  to  Mr.  Smith  in  the  deprecia 
tion  of  his  property,  and  in  the  fact  that  the  government  set 
his  slaves  at  liberty,  but  it  is  characteristic  of  the  man  that 
while  the  able-bodied  then  left  him,  he  continued  till  death  to 
maintain  the  aged  and  infirm  negroes,  who  had  been  the  family 
slaves. 

Continuing  his  contributions  to  history,  he  printed  a  curious 
manuscript  work  on  Sonora,  with  a  quaint  Spanish  title,  Rudo 
Ensayo,  tentativa  de  una  prevencional  Description  de  la  Pro- 
vincia  de  Sonora,  but  full,  accurate  and  showing  evident  marks 
of  being  the  production  of  some  missionary  thoroughly  ac 
quainted  with  that  province  and  its  mineral  resources. 

The  voyage  of  Estevan  Gomez  along  the  northern  coast,  had 
been  one  of  his  subjects  of  study  and  research,  and  in  the  in 
vestigation  he  was  led  to  study  critically  the  account  of  Verra- 
zano's  voyage,  published  originally  in  Ramusio's  large  work. 
Convinced  that  that  narrative  was  a  fabrication,  he  set  forward 


262  MEMOIR. 

the  grounds  of  his  opinion  in  his  Inquiry  into  the  Authenticity 
of  Documents  concerning  a  Discovery  in  North  America,  claimed 
to  have  been  made  by  Verrazano,  which  was  read  before  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  in  1864,  and  printed.  But  as 
usual  with  him,  he  was  not  satisfied  with  his  work,  and  visited 
Spain  to  seek  new  material  for  the  discussion  of  the  subject, 
as  well  as  to  study  a  very  different  branch,  but  one  in  which 
he  took  great  interest,  the  culture  of  the  orange  tree,  in  order 
to  select  and  import  the  best  varieties,  so  as  to  preserve  and  ex 
tend  the  cultivation  of  the  fruit  in  Florida. 

He  was  successful  under  both  points  of  view,  and  came  pre 
pared  to  issue  in  a  more  extended  form,  with  ample  documents, 
his  examination  into  the  Verrazano  voyage ;  which,  however,  he 
never  gave  to  the  world. 

Mr.  Smith  then  for  a  time  acted  as  tax  commissioner  in 
Florida,  but  had  meanwhile  undertaken,  and  in  1866  published, 
through  the  Bradford  Club,  his  Narratives  of  the  Career  of  Her- 
nando  de  Soto  in  the  Conquest  of  Florida  as  told  by  a  Knight 
of  Elvas  and  in  a  Relation  by  Luys  Hernandez  de  Biedma. 

These,  with  some  pleasant  sketches  of  Spanish  American 
authors  in  Duyckinck's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Literature, 
embracing  notices  of  Verrazzano,  Biedma,  Cancer,  Pareja,  Flo- 
rencia,  Benavides,  Rochefort,  Ayeta  and  Siguenza  (Supplement, 
p.  156,  etc.),  formed  his  contributions  to  our  literature.  Critical 
to  a  nicety,  he  was  never  satisfied  with  his  labors,  but  as  soon  as 
he  saw  them  in  print  at  once  began  to  correct  and  amend.  One 
of  his  most  cherished  projects  was  to  issue  a  new  edition  of  his 
first  work,  but  as  he  shrank  from  doing  anything  on  his  own 
responsibility  and  sought  no  publisher,  his  project  would  have 
remained  a  mere  velleity,  had  not  his  old  friend,  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Murphy  of  Brooklyn,  taken  it  in  hand.  The  result  is  the  pre 
sent  volume,  which  the  author  did  not  live  to  complete. 


MEMOIR. 


263 


Disease  had  been  insidiously  impairing  his  constitution,  and 
unconsciously  to  himself  consumption  had  already  made  fatal 
progress.  His  residence  at  the  north  during  the  severe  winter 
of  1870-1,  hastened  the  crisis.  Under  the  milder  climate  of 
Florida  his  valuable  life  might  have  been  for  a  time  prolonged, 
but  he  at  last  became  -alarmed,  yet  entertained  no  immediate 
fear.  He  still  kept  up,  visiting  his  friends,  talking  over  the 
subjects  of  his  studies,  till  January  4th,  when,  calling  on  his 
physician,  he  was  urged  to  return  at  once  to  his  rooms  and 
secure  a  suitable  attendant,  as  he  was  more  seriously  ill  than  he 
imagined. 

He  was  very  much  enfeebled,  and  before  he  reached  his  own 
door,  after  leaving  the  car.  became  bewildered.  He  was  hurried 
off  to  a  police  station,  and  thence  to  an  hospital,  where  he  died 
the  next  day,  before  any  of  his  many  warm  friends  were 
aware  of  his  illness. 

The  death  of  Buckingham  Smith  drew  around  his  coffin  the 
circle  of  literary  and  personal  friends  to  whom  his  kindly  dis 
position,  his  truthful  nature,  his  impartiality  and  studies,  had 
long  endeared  him.  To  many,  the  life  of  research  and  investi 
gation,  solitary  as  it  must  needs  be,  may  seem  devoid  of  interest, 
and  utility ;  but  Buckingham  Smith  gave  his  early  manhood  to 
the  public  service,  and  spent  in  those  antiquarian  studies,  which 
are  so  full  of  great  lessons,  the  hours  of  relaxation  given  by 
others  to  pleasure,  or  the  years  of  declining  age,  when  the 
many  seek  only  ease  and  comfort. 


INDEX. 


A,  prefix  to  native  names,  unaccountably  taken  from  the  Spanish,  42. 

Academy  of  History  at  Madrid,  18. 

A<;amor,  205. 

Acaxee,  agriculturists,  man-eaters,  78. 

Achkeres,  Indians,  242. 

Achuse,  bay  of,  64. 

Acolhuan,  44. 

Acubadaos,  Indians,  137. 

Adaize,  Indians,  127. 

Adayes,  Indians,  127. 

Adelantado,  Narvaez  petitions  to  be  made,  209. 

Adobe,  residences  of,  78. 

Africa,  Cabe<ja  de  Vaca  sentenced  to,  250. 

Aguar,  Indian  deity,  192. 

Aguenes,  Indians,  133. 

Ahome,  river,  182. 

Ahome,  Indians,  181. 

Alabama,  235. 

A-la-Chua,  instance  of  the  double  prefix,  42. 

Alafaya,  instance  of  the  double  prefix,  42. 

Alaniz,  Hieronymo,  notary,  consulted  by  the  governor,  25 ;  his  views 
on  the  expedition,  26  ;  gives  certificate  to  the  governor,  27. 

Alapaha,  instance  of  the  double  prefix,  42. 

A  la,  prefix  to  native  names,  unaccountably  taken  from  the  Span 
ish,  42. 

Alatamaha,  instance  of  the  double  prefix,  42. 

A-la-Tama,  instance  of  the  double  prefix,  42. 

Alburquerque,  mountains  of,  170. 

Alegre,  Padre  Francisco  Javier,  178. 

Alcaraz,  189, 190, 195. 

Aldermen  for  the  first  town  in  Florida,  18. 

Algorrova,  143. 

Alhaja,  Martin,  berger,  234 ;  ennobled,  234. 

Alligator,  no  mention  made  of  the,  42. 

Almojarifadgo,  219. 

34 


266  INDEX. 

Alvarado,  43. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  259. 

American  Ethnological  Society,  259 ;  Bulletin  of  the,  260. 

American  Journal  of  Science  and  Art,  170. 

American  Linguistics,  260. 

Amsterdam,  chart  printed  in,  56. 

Anagados,  Indians,  42, 114. 

Anchors,  stones  scarce  for,  48. 

Andalusia,  29 ;  definitions  by  an  authoress  of,  139. 

Andaluz,  189. 

Andes,  Cordillera  of  the,  169. 

Anhacan,  190. 

Animal  magnetism,  Indian  juggler's  knowledge  of,  82. 

Antillas,  22,  66 ;  destructive  hurricane  at,  18. 

Ants,  eggs  of,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103. 

Apaches,  Tobosos  related  to,  163;  extermination  of,  163;  account  of 

by  Onate  163 ;  territory  of  the,  exploring  expedition  to,  235. 
Apalache,  sought  for,  31 ;  found,  33,  41 ;  see  Apalachen. 
Apalache  bay,  56. 

Apalache,  Indians,  fac  simile  of  a  petition  of  the,  260. 
Apalachen,  town  of,  gold  in,  24;  assailed,  35;  large  quantities  of 

maize  found  in,  35 ;  description  of  houses  in,  35  ;  character  of 

the  country  of,  36. 

Apalachian  language,  specimen  of  the,  260. 
Apalachicola  river,  235. 
Apalachine,  139. 
Apalito,  Indian  deity,  162. 
Apologetic  Examination,  etc.,  against  the  Censures  of  Father  Hon- 

orio  Philipono,  253. 
Appendix,  207-254. 
Aragon,  208,  234. 
Arbadaos,  Indians,  125 

Archive  de  Indias,  at  Sevilla,  18,  207,  215,  231. 
Archive  General  de  Indias,  211. 
Ardoino,  Antonio,  Senor,  253. 
Areitos,  amusements  of  Indians,  77,  141. 
Areyte,  signification  of,  79. 
Arkansas,  river,  235 ;  head  waters  of  the,  234. 
Armor,  good,  of  no  avail  against  Indians'  arrows,  39. 
Arroba,  Indian  measure,  138,  139. 
Arrows,  articles  of  barter,  126. 
Arroyo  de  Cedros,  178 ;  see  Cedar  stream. 
Arsenic,  attempts  to  poison  with  frustrated,  248. 
Artichoke,  Jerusalem,  178. 


INDEX.  267 

Assomption,  329,  240,  244,  246,  248,  250. 

Astudillo,  of  £afra,  73. 

Asturiano,  a  clergyman,  107,  116;  visits  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,84;  heard 

from,  124. 

Asturian,  the,  stripped  and  shot,  101 ;  see  Asturiano. 
Atayos,  Indians,  121,  137. 
Atlantic  ocean,  148. 

Audiencia  of  Espanola,  205 ;  letter  to,  ix. 
Auia,  island  of,  73. 
Auitzotl,  78. 
Austria,  253. 
Aute,  town  of,  38,  165 ;  corpse  of  Avellaneda  carried  to,  41 ;  houses 

burned,  41 ;  expedition  leaves,  45. 
Authorities,  comparison  of,  20. 
Autograph  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabe<ja  de  Vaca,  200  ;  of  Pamphilo  de 

Narvaez,  210. 

Avavares,  Indians,  116,  122,  139. 
Avellaneda,  hidalgo,  killed,  40. 
Ayeta,  notice  of,  262. 
Ayolas,  commander,  238,  241. 
Azara,  Chevalier,  254. 
Azores,  198. 

BACALLAOS,  57. 

Badthing,  demon,  123,  124,  127,  128. 
Bahia  de  Caballos,  haven,  51 ;  see  Bahia  de  los  Caballos. 
Bahia  de  Cavallos,  number  of  men  killed  in,  50 ;  see  Bahia  de  Caballos. 
Bahia  de  la  Cruz,  48  ;  number  of  men  landed  at,  50. 
Bahia  de  los  Caballos,  appearance  in  1539,  55  ;  see  Bahia  de  Cabal 
los,  and  Bahia  de  Cavallos. 
Bahos,  Indian,  172. 
Ballast,  stones  scarce  for,  48. 
Bamoa,  225. 

Baptism  of  Indian  children,  226,  227. 
Baptisms,  Indian,  194 
Barcia,  20,  246,  253,  254. 
Bar.cia  Ensayo  Cro,  64. 

Barcia's  Historiadores  Primitives  de  las  Iiidias  Occidentales,  viii. 
Barrigon,  sierra  of,  169. 
Barter,  articles  of,  85. 
Bartlett,  Mr.,  236. 
Baya  de  Miruelo,  56. 

Beads  presented  to  Indian  chief,  31,  66,  67 ;  presented,  145,  146,  150, 
'   194. 


268  INDEX. 

Beam  hollowed  to  secrete  papers,  247. 

Beans,  article  of  traffic,  38,  41,  85;  Indians'  food,  159;  presented, 

159,  161,  166 ;  planted  three  times  a  year,  172. 
Bears,  36. 

Beaumont,  R.  Pe.  Fray  Pablo,  x. 
Bejar,  204. 

Benavides,  177  ;  notice  of,  262. 
Benitez,  visits  Cabe<;a  de  Vaca,  84. 
Bermuda,  island  of,  storm  at,  198. 
Bezote,  derivation  of,  78. 
Bibliotheque  Imperiale,  map  in  the,  56. 
Biedma,  34,  64,  79,  88 ;  notice  of,  262. 
Biscay,  148. 

Bison,  163 ;  hide  of  the,  x. 
Blackberries^  77 ;  food  of  the  Indians,  107. 
Blake,  W.  P.,  170. 

Blankets,  Indian,  107;  of  cowhide  presented,  150,  159,  160. 
Blind  Indians,  145,  148. 
Bones,  powdered,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103. 
Boomerang  of  the  Australian,  154. 
Bottles  made  from  the  legs  of  horses,  48 ;  useless,  52, 
Bows,  articles  of  barter,  126 ;  presented,  146. 
'Brand-burning,  Indians'  application  of,  179. 
Bravo  del  Norte,  river,  89, 162, 163. 
Bream,  181. 
Broadcloth  found,  28. 
Brussels,  chart  printed  in,  56. 
Buenos  Ayres,  246,  254;  vessels  dispatrlu-d  to,  23!>. 
Buhio,  its  characteristics  and  signification,  22. 
Buhios  described,  21. 

Bulletin  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society,  260. 
Buoys,  floating,  indication  that  ships  were  lost,  16. 
Burgos,  bishop  of,  249. 

CABALLERIA,  definition  of,  209. 

Caballero,  Fernan,  139. 

Cabbage  palm,  33. 

Cabeija  de  Vaca,  Alvar  Nunez,  treasurer  and  high  sheriff,  13,  64,  73, 
95, 258  ;  summoned  before  the  Council  of  Indias,  x  ;  appeared 
before  Charles  V,  viii ;  evidences  of  his  diligence  and  good 
conduct,  x  ;  arrival  of,  at  Sevilla,  x  ;  left  Cuba,  12  ;  went  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  Spain,  12 ;  accompanies  Captain  Pantoja  to  Trini 
dad,  14;  remains  at  sea  with  the  pilots,  14;  persuaded  with 
difficulty  to  go  to  the  town,  15 ; 


INDEX.  269 

Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  Alvar  Nunez,  terrible  storm  while  at  Trinidad,  16  ; 
sends  the  testimony  of  it  to  the  king,  16 ;  fleet  placed  in  his 
charge,  17  ;  passed  winter  at  Xagua,  17  ;  in  storms  at  sea,  20  ; 
anchored  on  the  coast  of  Florida,  20 ;  his  views  on  penetrating 
the  interior,  25,  26  ;  advises  the  governor  to  secure  the  ships, 
27  ;  refuses  lieutenancy  of  the  ships,  27, 28  ;  petitions  governor, 
30 ;  sent  to  look  for  the  sea,  30,  41 ;  ordered  to  enter  Apa- 
lachen,  35 ;  explores  coast,  41 ;  reports  embarrassing  nature 
of  country,  42;  embarks  in  open  boat,  49;  privations,  52; 
wounded,  54;  noticed  by  Charlevoix,  56;  discovers  a  cape, 
consulted  by  the  governor,  60  ;  deserted  by  the  governor,  62  ; 
his  excessive  sufferings,  62,  63 ;  orders  Lope  de  Oveido  to  re 
connoitre,  65  ;  launches  boat,  67 ;  misfortunes,  68 ;  beseeches 
Indians  for  shelter,  69 ;  meets  companions,  72 ;  necessitous 
condition,  73  ;  long  fastings,  81 ;  great  sickness  came  upon  him, 
84 ;  obliged  to  remain  on  the  island  a  year,  85 ;  resolved  to 
flee,  85  ;  turns  merchant,  85  ;  his  merchandise,  85  ;  his  object 
in  business,  86 ;  hardships  experienced,  86 ;  sets  off  in  quest 
of  Christians,  87 ;  supposed  knowledge  of  extent  of  northern 
explorations,  88 ;  remains  with  the  Queveries,  88 ;  finds  com 
panions,  90 ;  for  a  long  time  considered  dead,  91 ;  in  slavery, 
92 ;  sees  Indians  of  light  color,  97 ;  letter  written  by,  107 ; 
probably  dated  new  moon  from  the  time  he  first  saw  it,  113 ; 
in  hunger  and  ill  used,  113 ;  his  description  of  the  country, 
113;  cures  afflicted,  117;  lost,  118;  wanders  with  brands  and 
sticks  to  make  fire  at  night,  118  ;  finds  Christians,  119  ;  Indians' 
fondness  for,  121  ;  breathes  upon  and  blesses  an  Indian,  and 
performs  a  miraculous  cure,  122  ;  cures  those  sick  of  a  stupor, 
122  ;  fame  of  his  cures,  122,  123  ;  went  to  the  Malicones,  125 ; 
casts  his  skin  like  a  serpent,  126 ;  greatly  tormented,  126 ; 
trades  with  the  Arbadoes,  126  ;  is  set  by  the  Indians  to  scrape 
skins,  127  ;  sustained  by  the  scraps  of  skins,  127  ;  his  meagre 
subsistence  by  trafficking,  127  ;  strength  after  eating  the  dogs, 
129,  130 ;  Indians  weep  at  his  departure,  130  ;  account  of  cus 
toms  of  Indians,  131-134 ;  account  of  Indians  when  at  war, 
135,  136  ;  opinion  on  the  senses  of  the  Indians,  136  ;  enume 
rates  nations  and  tongues,  137  ;  witnesses  a  diabolical  practice, 
139;  hospitably  received,  140,  141,  142,  143;  passed  over  a 
rapid  river,  141 ;  great  inconvenience  from  so  many  followers, 
144,  153;  time  consumed  in  the  privilege  of  touching,  145; 
mountains  seen,  145 ;  great  authority  over  the  Indians,  146 ; 
travels  with  Indians,  149  ;  performed  successfully  a  surgical 
operation,  151 ;  blesses  provisions,  152 ;  his  agreement  with 
the  account  of  Father  de  Morfi,  154 ; 


270  INDEX. 

Cabeja  da  Vaca,  Alva  Nunez,  foi\U\l  a  very  large  river,  155  ;  fashion 
of  being  received  changes,  156-160 ;  begged  by  the  Indians 
to  tell  the  sky  to  rain,  160  ;  appears  to  have  struck  the  Bravo 
del  Norte,  162 ;  resolved  to  go  in  search  of  the  maize,  166 ; 
handful  of  deer-suet  his  daily  ration,  166 ;  has  abundance  of 
food,  167 ;   emerald  arrow-heads  presented  to,   167 ;   blesses 
children,  168;  hears  news  of  Christians,  173;  sees  traces  of 
Christians,  175  ;  sure  signs  of  Christians,  183 ;  overtakes  Christ 
ians,  183  ;  are  confounded  at  the  sight  of  him,  183 ;  is  ordered 
to  be  taken  to  their  chief,  184;  Alcara/'s  statement  to,  184; 
obtains  certificate  of  date  and  manner  of  his  appearance,  184  ; 
unable  to  convince  Indians  that  he  belongs  to  Christians,  187 ; 
gives  glowing  account  of  the  country,  187 ;  affirms  it  is  the 
fault  of  the  Christians  if  Indians  do  not  build  towns,  188; 
hospitably  entertained  by  the  chief  alcalde,  190 ;  detained  at 
San  Miguel,  196 ;  entertained  by  Governor  Nuno  de  Guzman, 
196;  some  time  before  he  is  reaccustomed  to  the  habits  of 
civilization,  196;  arrived  at  Mexico,  196;  distance  traveled, 
196 ;  leaves  Mexico  with  Dorantes,  197 ;  sets  sail  from  Vera 
Cruz,  197 ;  his  escape  from  being  captured,  199  ;  instructions 
given  to,  for  his  observance,  as  treasurer  to  the  king  of  Spain 
in  the  army  of  Narvaez  for  the  conquest  of  Florida,  218-223 ; 
missionary's  allusion  to,   in   the  ill-starred  expedition  into 
Florida,  223,  225 ;  petitions  of,  231,  232 ;  his  life,  233-254 ;  the 
eminence  of  his  family,  233 ;  traditionary  origin  of  the  name, 
233,  234;  his  neglect  to  record  the  direction  of  hisjourneyings, 
234 ;  terrible  severity  of  his  sufferings,  234 ;  his  route  traced 
by  Mr.  Smith,  235 ;  his  description  of  finding  towns  with  habit 
ations  confirmed  by  Mr.   Bartlett,  236;  evidences  of  his  pas 
sage  found  by  Spanish  explorers,  236  ;  his  narrations  fortified 
by  Ternaux  Compans,  236,  237 ;  Ulrich  Schmidel's  records  of 
incidents  in  the  life  of,  238 ;  selected  as  governor,  238 ;  ex 
pended  his  entire  fortune  in  the  enterprise  of  conquest,  238  ; 
his  compensation,  238;  put  to  sea,  but  compelled  to  return  to 
Cadiz,  238 ;  arrived  at  St.  Catharine's,  238 ;  remains  at  St.  Ca 
therine's  for  more  than  seven  months,  238 ;  his  explorations 
while  at  St.  Catharine's,  238, 239 ;  eloquent  in  eulogies  of  the  in 
habitants  and  their  territories,  239  ;  his  sagacious  manoeuvres 
avert  a  catastrophe,  239, 240 ;  arrives  at  Assomptiou,  240 ;  finds 
colonial  troops  unfavorable  to  his  pretensions,  240  ;  Irala's  en 
mity  to,  241 ;  colonists  require  him  to  exhibit  his  authority,  but 
refuses,.  241,  242;  submits  his  brief  of  authority  fo  priests, 
242  ;  reviews  and  musters  his  army,  242 ;  orders  expeditions  to 
search  the  country  for  traces  of  the  route  to  El  Dorado,  242  ; 


INDEX. 


271 


Cabe^a  deVaca,  Alvar  Nunez,  directs  Iralato  execute  Achkere,  242  ; 
makes  war  upon  the  Guaycurus,  and  his  arrest,  Schmidel's  story 
of,  243,  244 ;  coincides  with  Schmidel  in  the  cause  of  his 
abandonment  of  the  campaign,  245;  his  unpopularity,  what 
attributed  to,  245 ;  conspiracy  formed  to  seize  his  person,  246 ; 
his  property  confiscated,  246  ;  hurried  to  prison,  246  ;  the  rigid- 
ness  of  his  guard,  246 ;  taken  from  his  cell  more  dead  than 
alive,  246 ;  his  thankfulness  for  being  once  more  permitted  to 
behold  the  sun,  246 ;  Irala's  rigor  towards,  246 ;  his  friends 
aid  him  in  secret,  246,  247 ;  incident  in  his  imprisonment,  247  ; 
delegates  Captain  Saluzar  as  his  lieutenant  in  the  government, 
248  ;  slightly  wounded  in  a  melee,  248 ;  hurried  on  board  the 
vessel  to  save  his  life,  248  ;  chained  to  the  deck,  but  released 
when  vessel  was  supposed  to  be  foundering,  248;  strictly 
guarded,  248;  attempts  to  poison  him,  248;  remorse  in  his 
jailors,  249 ;  sea  and  winds  were  appeased  when  his  chains 
were  removed,  249 ;  arrival  at  Madrid,  249  ;  the  machinations 
of  his  enemies  prevailed,  249 ;  awaited  his  trial  in  prison  for 
more  than  six  years,  249 ;  only  appeared  before  the  council  ex 
cept  to  receive  his  sentence,  249 ;  severity  of  his  treatment 
in  prison,  250 ;  councillors  of  the  Indies  deliver  their  judgment 
eight  years  after  his  seizure,  250 ;  his  sentence,  250 ;  the  ob 
scurity  of  his  subsequent  fate,  250  ;  probably  pardoned,  250 ; 
transcript  of  his  judgment,  250, 251 ;  Charlevoix  on  his  acquit 
tal,  etc.,  251 ;  the  attention  his  Relation  excited  as  to  his  mi 
raculous  cures  and  divine  interpositions,  252,  253 ;  abridged 
translation  of  his  works,  253 ;  various  opinions  of  historians 
and  writers  regarding  the  character  of,  254. 

Cabe?a  de  Vaca,  Dona  Teresa,  205. 

Cabrera,  Alonzo,  244 ;  death  of,  249. 

Cabo  de  Santa  Cruz,  port,  14. 

Cabot,  Juan,  land  discovered  by,  57. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  57 ;  mappemonde  by,  56. 

Cacama,  42,  43. 

Cacine,  139. 

Cacique,  refuses  to  entrust  his  person  with  Soto,  34. 

Cactus,  178. 

Cadiz,  expedition  returns  to,  by  contrary  winds,  238.    • 

Cahoques,  Indians,  137. 

Calabashes,  presented,  159. 

Cale  river,  34. 

California,  gulf  of,  236 ;  Spanish  settlements  on  the,  Cabe^a  de  Vaca 
arrived  at,  12. 

Cambridge  Law  School,  256. 


272  INDEX. 

Camoles,  Indians,  137. 

Camones,  Indians,  113. 

Campo,  page  to  Anton  Perez,  97. 

Canadian  river,  335. 

Canaries,  205. 

Canarreo,  shoal's,  19. 

Cancer,  notice  of,  262. 

Cancer,  tropic  of,  18. 

Cane,  joints  of,  in  Indian's  ears,  66;  mats,  bouses  of,  167. 

Canoes,  broken  up  for  fuel,  54. 

Canvas  found,  28. 

Caoques,  139. 

Capricorn,  tropic  of,  country  of  the  Susacusis  under  the,  243. 

Captain  general,  Narvaez  petitions  for  the  position  of,  208;  salary  of, 

210. 

Cape  Sant  Anton,  20. 
Capogues,  82. 

Caravallo,  alcalde,  appointed  lieutenant  of  the  ships,  28  ;  Lieut.,  203: 
Carios  (Guaranos)  Indians,  243. 
Carob,  mezquiquez  like  unto  the,  140. 
Carolano,  new  voyage  to,  148. 
Carpenter,  only  one  in  the  company,  47. 
Cartier's  voyage,  papers  relating  to,  260. 
Cases  containing  dead  bodies,  24,  203. 
Castile,  king  of,  234. 
Castilla,  97,  202,  203,  208,  210. 

Castillo,  Captain,  41, 236  ;  went  inland  to  the  Yguazes,103 ;  died,  118. 
Castillo,  Doctor,  204. 
Castro-Ferrel,  234. 
Catholic  faith,  conversion  of  natives  to,  responsibility  rests  on  the 

royal  conscience  for,  208. 
Cattle,  106, 107;  killed  and  slaughtered,  160. 
Cavallerias  of  land,  two,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  to  be  given  to  the 

first  conquerors,  209. 
Cavalleros,  x. 
Cedars,  36. 

Cedar  stream,  178 ;  see  Arroyo  de  Cedros. 
Cemola,  Indians'  food,  169. 
Ceris,  Indians,  178  ;  their  great  savagery,  179. 
Chacan,  Indians'  food,  160  ;  its  pungency,  161. 
Chalchi,  indefinable,  171. 
Chalchinite,  170 ;  see  turquoises. 
Chalchiuhiximatqui,  signification  of,  170. 
Chalchiuitl,  definition  of,  170. 


INDEX.  273 

Charles  V,  king  of  Spain,  of  the  Sicilies,  etc.,  11,    79,  98,  99,  211 ; 

Cube^a  de  Vaca's  appearance  before,  x. 
Charlevoix,  139,  249,  251,  254  ;  statement  by,  55. 
Charts,  ancient,  56. 

Chastisement  of  Indian  infants,  rat  teeth  used  for,  158. 
Cliata,  Indians,  171. 
Chavavares,  Indians,  137. 
Chaves,  Indians,  17 ;  visits  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  84. 
Chiapa,  bishop  of,  his  account  of  Panphilo  de  Narvaez,  99. 
Chiametla,  town  of,  177. 
Chicamastl,  his  oratory,  177. 

Chicasas,  Indians'  custom  of  mourning  for  their  dead,  78,  79. 
Chichimecas,  Indians,  206. 
Chief  of  the  Heavens,  Indian  deity,  163. 
Children,  Indian,  nursed-  till  twelve  years  old,  reason  of,  131. 
Chorucco,  Indians,  137. 

Christians,  hospitable  reception  of,  recorded  by  a  missionary,  223. 
Churches,  Indians  commanded  to  build,  193,  194. 
Chuse,  bay  of,  64. 

Cibola,  city,  165,  235,  237;  invasion  of,  178. 
Cinaloa,  78, 178,  231,  230 ;  historian  of,  179. 
Cinaloa,  Indians,  181. 

Civet  marten,  robe  of,  secured,  54 ;  fragrance  of,  54 
Civola,  177. 

Climate,  condition  of  the,  176. 
Clothing,  Indians'  scanty,  180. 
Clubs,  Indian,  59 ;  astonishing  precision  of,  152. 
Coa,  signification  of,  229. 
Coayos,  Indians,  121. 
Cohuanatco,  42,  43. 
Colican,  182. 
Colleccion  de  Varios  Documentos  Para  la  Historia  de  la  Florida  y 

Tierras  adyacentes,  259. 
Colorado,  river,  178. 
Comanches,  symbols  of  the,  171. 
Combs,  article  of  barter,  126. 
Comite  d'Archeologie  Americaine  of  France,  56. 
Commentaries,  vii. 

Commissions  laid  before  the  governor,  21. 
Comos,  Indians,  137. 
Compans,  Ternaux,  236,  252  ;  his  edition  of  the  Relation  in  French, 

viii. 

Comparison  of  authorities,  20. 
Compostela,  196. 

35 


274  INDEX. 

Comptroller,  113. 

Concessions  made  to  Narvaez  by  the  Council  of  Indias,  210. 

Conches  used  for  cutting,  86  ;  article  of  traffic,  85. 

Conchos,  Indians,  162, 169. 

Conchos,  river,  162,  165. 

Cones,  article  of  traffic,  85. 

Constabulary  of  lands,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  208. 

Contratacion  in  Sevilla,  88. 

Cooking,  Indian  mode  of,  161, 162. 

Copper,  hawkbells  of,  153  ;  traces  of,  seen,  176. 

Corals  presented,  167. 

Corazones,  181 ;  town  of,  177 ;  temperature  of,  178 ;  valley  of,  178. 

Cordero,  Lieut.  Col.  Antonio,  163 ;  report  of,  169. 

Cordillera  of  the  Andes,  42, 169. 

Coronado,  Spanish  explorer,  153, 163,  236 ;  march  of,  178. 

Corral,  dead  body  of,  eaten,  74. 

Corrientes,  capfe,  storm  at,  20. 

Cortambert,  M.  Richard,  56. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  97,  181 ;  his  conquest  of  Mexico,  99 ;  unscrupu- 

lousness  of,  43 ;  warned  of  an  element  of  his  ruin,  99, 100. 
Cotton-shawls  presented,  162, 166. 

Council  of  Indias,  207, 208 ;  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  summoned  before,  viii. 
Council,  order  of,  232. 

Cow  nation,  Indians,  163  ;  description  'of,  160. 
Crabs,  92,  95. 

Cross,  sign  of  the,  cure  for  Indians'  diseases,  117. 
Cramps  cured,  120. 
Cronica  de  Mechoacan,  x. 
Cricket,  music  of  a,  prevents  a  ship  from  striking  on  the  rocks,  252, 

253. 

Cross,  adoration  of  the,  226. 
Crosses,  symbols  of  peace,  193. 
9uaque,  Indians,  181. 

Cuba,  island  of,  18,  71,  73,  79,  97,  98,  99,  204,  212. 
Cuba,  Cabe<ja  de  Vaca  left,  12. 
Cuchendados,  137. 
Cuellar,  32. 

Cuenca,  bishop  of,  249. 
Cuenca  de  Huete,  203. 
Cuervo,  island,  198. 
Culican,  237. 
Culia<jan,  town,  188. 
Culiacan,  province  of,  178,  236. 
Cuitlahuac,  43. 


INDEX.  275 

Cultachulches,  Indians,  137. 

Cumanche,  Indians,  163. 

Cumberland  island,  Ga.,  255. 

Cures,  miraculous,  animadversions  on,  and  advocacy  of,  252. 

Custom,  Indian,  not  naming  the  dead,  71 ;  killing  children  to  serve 
deceased  chief,  71 ;  wailing  for  dead,  76 ;  disposing  of  their 
dead,  76  ;  abstaining  from  food,  77  ;  nether  lip  opened  to  dis 
tinguish  a  brave,  78  ;  of  mourning  among  the  Chicasas,  78  ; 
of  marriage  among  the  Chatas,  79 ;  weeping  before  speaking, 
82  ;  life  taken  on  account  of  dreams,  102 ;  daughters  killed  at 
birth,  102,  109 ;  of  taking  meat,  127 ;  of  salutation,  130 ;  in 
pregnancy,  etc.,  131 ;  nursing  children  till  twelve  years  old, 
reason  of,  131 ;  leaving  wives  when  there  is  no  conformity, 
131 ;  forsaking  sick  in  the  desert,  131 ;  in  domestic  disputes, 
132 ;  in  night  attacks,  133 ;  in  war  generally,  134,  135  ;  of  tea 
drinking,  138 ;  when  women  are  indisposed,  139 ;  in  battle,  mode 
of  retiring,  136  ;  of  divesting  Indian  patient,  143 ;  plundering, 
144,  145,  147,  148 ;  of  bestowing  any  thing,  not  to  take  it  back, 
156  ;  faces  turned  to  the  wall  at  a  reception,  160 ;  singing  and 
weeping  at  morn  and  eve,  171 ;  sing  when  going  into  battle 
171. 

Cutalches,  Indians,  127, 

Cutalchiches,  Indians,  139. 

Cuthalchuches,  Indians,  121 ;  their  generosity,  122. 

DAVIS,  W.  W.  H.,  127. 

Deer,  hearts  of,  presented,  172. 

Deaguanes,  Indians,  88. 

De  Alcaraz,  Diego,  alcalde,  178,  184,  185. 

De  Alvaniz,  Hieronymo,  84,  87. 

De  Anasco,  Juan,  the  patent  to,  260 ;  Bahia  de  los  Caballos,  visited 

by,  55  ;  searches  for  letters  of  adventurers,  56. 
De  Bry's  Voyages  and  Discoveries,  78,  139. 
De  9ebreros,  Captain  Lazaro,  184. 
De  Cueto,  Diego,  alderman,  18. 
Dedication  to  Charles  V.  emperor  of  Germany,  king  of  Spain,  as 

Carlos  I ;  see  Proem. 
Deer,  36 ;  dung  of  the,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103  ;  overtaken  in  the 

chase  by  Indians,  104 ;  mode  of  encircling  them  with  fire, 

106  ;  quantity  killed,  109 ;  mode  of  killing,  110 ;  kinds  of,  172. 
Deer-suet,  handful  of,  a  daily  ration,  166. 
De  Espejo,  Antonio,  162  ;  his  report  extant,  162. 
De  Esquivel,  Hernardo,  of  Badajoz,  93 ;  lives  on  human  flesh,  94, 

96  ;  accompanies  Indian,  94. 


276  INDEX. 

DC  Figueroa,  Vasco  Porcallo,  lieutenant-general  to  Solo,  18 ;  see 
Porcallo,  Vasco,  and  Figueroa. 

De  Gayangos,  Don  Pascual,  the  orientalist,  56,  259. 

De  Guijon,  Juan,  alderman,  18. 

De  Guzman,  Novernor  Nuno,  189,  194, 196  ;  Noticias  Ilistoricas,  100. 

De  Guzman,  Padre  Diego,  176,  230. 

De  Herrera,  Alonzo,  alderman,  18. 

De  Huelva,  Diego,  killed  for  diversion,  87;  visits  Cabe<ja,de  Vaca 
84 ;  killed  in  slavery,  102,  108. 

De  Irala,  Martin  Dominick,  241,  242,  243,  246,  proclaimed  governor, 
244. 

De  la  Cerda,  Alvara,  in  charge  of  vessel,  19  ;  his  ship  to  be  sought 
for,  23. 

De  Las  Casas,  Bartholomew,  245,  249 ;  see  Las  Casas. 

Del  Castillo,  Alonzo,  native  of  Salamanca,  30,  81,  84,  87,  90,  91,  92 
95,  112,  113,  116, 125,  158,  159, 173, 184,  185, 204,  205  ;  embarks 
in  open  boat,  49  ;  boat  capsized,  72  ;  visits  Cabe^a  de  Vaca, 
84 ;  cures  Indians  with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  117,  120,  his  fame 
spreads,  117 ;  a  timid  practitioner,  121 ;  see  Castillo. 

De  Leon,  Francisco,  visits  Cabeija  de  Vaca,  84. 

De  los  Cobas,  Frco,  217. 

De  los  Covos,  Francisco,  223. 

De  Lumbreras,  Miguel,  alderman,  18. 

Del  Valle,  Marquis,  196. 

De  Mayorga,  Juan,  alderman,  18.    • 

De  Mendoca,  Don  Antonio,  236. 

De  Molina,  dictionary  of  the  Mexican  language,  by,  229. 

De  Morfi,  Father  Juan  Augustin,  his  Memoria  for  the  history  of  Texas, 
154. 

De  Naro,  Don  Diego  Lopez,  234. 

De  Narvaez,  Governor  Panpliilo,  64,  113,  211, 215,  230,  234,  236,  2.~)8 ; 
attempt  to  trace  the  route  of  the  army  of,  v ;  in  command  of 
expedition,  13 ;  his  instructions,  13;  procured  supplies,  14; 
sets  out  for  Trinidad,  14 ;  waits  at  Cabo  de  Santa  Cruz,  41  ;  ar 
rives  at  Trinidad,  17 ;  stays  through  the  winter  there,  17 ;  gives 
the  fleet  into  Cabe^a  de  Vaca's  charge,  17 ;  arrived  at  the  port 
of  Xagua,  19  ;  arrived  at  Guaniguanico,  19 ;  anchored  on  the 
coast  of  Florida,  20 ;  debarked  with  his  people,  21 ;  raised 
ensigns  for  the  emperor,  21 ;  acknowledged  commissions,  21  ; 
lands  horses  and  men,  22 ;  resolves  to  explore  the  land,  23 ;  his 
company,  23 ;  consults  with  his  officers,  25  ;  warned  not  to  quit 
the  ships  before  securing  them,  25 ;  asks  notary  for  a  certi 
ficate,  27 ;  begs  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  to  take  lieutenantcy  of  the 
ships,  27,  28;  victuals  his  men  for  their  march,  29  ; 


INDEX.  277 

De  Narvaez,  sends  Cabe<;a  de  Vaca  to  look  for  the  sea,  30  ;  sends 
Valensuela  to  seek  an  harbor,  31 ;  presented  with  a  painted 
deerskin,  31 ;  procures  Indians  as  guides,  32 ;  orders  Cabega 
de  Vaca  to  enter  the  town  of  Apalachen,  35 ;  detains  a  cacique, 
37 ;  begs  Cabcga  de  Vaca  to  look  for  the  sea,  41 ;  afflicted  with 
a  malady,  41 ;  plot  for  abandoning,  45  ;  seeks  advice,  46 ;  em 
barks  in  open  boat,  49 ;  Indians  offer  hospitalities  to,  53  ;  pre 
sents  cacique  with  trinkets,  53;  struck  with  a  stone  and 
wounded,  54 ;  noticed  by  Charlevoix,  55,  56  ;  Indians  demand 
hostages  of,  58 ;  his  selfishness,  62 ;  noticed  by  Biedma,  64 ; 
Lope  Hurtado  on  the  search  after,  79  ;  Figueroa's  account  of 
his  fate,  93,  94 ;  covered  with  spots,  97 ;  portrayed  by  Bernal 
Diaz,  97 ;  government  of  Florida  conferred  on,  97 ;  expended 
and  lost  all  his  treasure,  97 ;  place  of  nativity,  97  ;  his  mar 
riage,  97 ;  had  an  eye  put  out,  97  ;  his  gentle  breeding,  97 ;  the 
character  of  his  wife,  98  ;  entreats  for  justice  and  single  combat 
with  Cortes,  98 ;  date  of  his  disappearance,  98 ;  account  of,  by  the 
bishop  of  Chiapa,  99 ;  cautioned  not  to  go  inland,  202 ;  greater 
part  of  his  property  lost,  207 ;  imprisoned  and  detained  five 
years,  207 ;  entreats  the  king  to  requite  him  in  New  Spain, 
207 ;  his  intention  to  traffic  with  the  natives  and  plant  the 
Christian  faith,  207  ;  reminds  the  king  of  his  responsibility  for 
the  conversion  of  the  natives,  208 ;  the  extent  of  country  he 
wishes  to  be  given  him,  208 ;  privileges,  etc.,  he  wished  the 
king  to  bestow,  208,  209,  210;  his  autograph,  210  ;  memoran 
dum  of  orders  made  in  Council  of  Indias  on  the  back  of  en 
closure  of  petition,  210, 211 ;  petitions  of,  to  the  king  of  Spain 
with  notes  of  concessions  made  to  him  by  the  Council  of  In 
dias  for  the  conquest  of  Florida,  207-211 ;  memorials  of  the 
expedition  of,  260 ;  relation  of  what  befel  the  persons  that 
attended  him,  260. 

De  Nica,  Marcos,  friar  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis,  177. 

De  Onate,  Juan,  163. 

De  Oveido,  Lope,  84,  86,  90 ;  with  the  Indians,  65. 

De  Rios,  the  editor  of  Oviedo,  259. 

De  Palos,  Juan,  lay  brother,  99,  100 ;  accompanies  expedition,  29. 

De  Paz,  Augustin,  printer  of  books,  205. 

De  Salazar,  Juan  Velazquez,  first  commission  for  mayor  in  Florida, 
18. 

De  Silveira,  Diego,  199. 

De  Solis,  Alonzo,  distributor,  and  assessor,  13,  66  ;  accompanies  the 
governor  to  explore  the  land,  23  ;  consulted  by  the  governor, 
25 ;  assails  the  town  of  Apalachen,  35  ;  embarks  in  open  boat, 
49;  drowned,  68. 


278  INDEX. 

De  Soto,  Hernando,  55,  64  ;  expedition  of,  34,  43,  66  ;  bis  letter  from 
Florida,  258  ;  the  will  of,  260 ;  misunderstanding  with  De  Fig- 
ueroa,  18 ;  narratives  of  the  career  of,  262 ;  relation  of  the 
march  of,  42. 

De  Tapia,  Padre  Gonzalo,  struck  down  by  a  sorcerer,  154. 

De  Tejada,  Don  Lerdo,  257. 

De  Urdaide,  Diego  Martinez,  224. 

De  Valencia,  prelate,  99. 

De  Valenzuela,  Maria,  97  ;  compared  to  Penelope,  98. 

De  Varnhagen,  F.  A.,  58.. 

De  Venegas,  Garcia,  248;  death  of,  249. 

De  Vera,  Francisco,  205. 

De  Vera,  Pedro,  conqueror  of  the  Canaries,  205. 

Devoropa,  missionary  station,  154. 

Diabolical  practice,  139. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  his  portraiture  of  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  97. 

Diaz,  Melchior,  alcalde,  188, 191. 

Disease  and  hunger,  number  of  men  died  of,  50. 

Doctrina  Christiana  y  Confesionario,  in  the  Piina  language,  261. 

Documents,  accompanying  President's  message,  127 ;  proper  mode 
of  printing,  259. 

Dodge,  Hon.  Augustus  C.,  minister  to  Spain,  259. 

Dog,  fatal  bite  by  a,  239. 

Dogs  bought  for  food,  125. 

Doguenes,  Indians,  137,  139. 

Don  Carlos,  emperor,  57,  215. 

Don  Pedro,  a  lord  of  Tescuco,  killed,  38. 

Don  Philippe,  infanta  of  Spain,  236. 

Don  Theodoro,  Greek,  48  ;  killed,  64. 

Dorantes,  Andres,  23,  41,  81,  84,  87,  90,  92,  95,  107,  109,  112, 113, 115, 
121,  123,  125,  150,  184,  185,  197,204,  236;  alderman,  18; 
embarks  in  open  boat,  49 ;  in  ambuscade,  54 ;  his  boat  cap 
sized,  72 ;  visits  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  84 ;  escaped  from  slavery, 
102,  103 ;  shown  articles  of  Esquivel,  102 ;  presented  with 
open  hearts  of  deer,  172  ;  sailed  for  Spain,  206 ;  put  back,  206 ; 
invited  by  Mendo<;a  to  the  capital,  206  ;  joyfully  receives  ap 
pointment  to  retrace  on  discoveries  in  company  with  some 
religious  fathers,  206. 

Dorantes,  Diego,  95  ;  visits  Cabe^a  de  Vaca,  84 ;  killed  for  diversion, 
87 ;  killed  in  slavery,  102,  108. 

Dorantes,  Pablo,  204. 

Dorantes,  Pedro,  231. 

Dreams,  Indians'  superstition  of,  180 ;  life  taken  by  the  Indians  in 
obedience  to,  102. 


INDEX.  279 

Drunkards,  Indians,  104. 

Dry  scratching,  punishment  for  Indian  boys,  165. 

Ducks,  36. 

Duero,  97. 

Dulchanchellin,  Indian  chief,  32. 

Dumont,  139. 

Duran,  Padre,  his  account  of  a  ball  in  Mexico,  78. 

Duty,  free,  on  horses,  arms,  etc.,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  209. 

Duyckinck's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Literature,  262. 

Dwarf  fan-palm,  33. 

Dwellings,  Indian,  several  stories  in  height,  236. 

Dyeing  hair  of  deer  for  tassels,  85. 

EAGLES,  58. 

Earth,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103 ;  a  constituent  in  food,  140  ;  houses 
of,  167. 

El  Dorado,  expedition  ordered  to  search  for,  242. 

Electioneering  among  slaves,  prediction,  261. 

Elia,  6  la  Espana  Trienta  Anos  ha,  139. 

Emasculated  Indians,  139. 

Emeralda  basta,  170. 

Emerald  arrow  heads  presented,  167  ;  lost,  186. 

Emeralds,  x. 

Encomienda,  Indians  to  be  excluded  from  the  tribute  of,  228. 

English  version  of  the  Relation  in,  the  only,  viii. 

Enrriquez,  Alonzo,  comptroller,  13,  44,  89,  95,  109  ;  landed  on  an  is 
land  in  Florida,  21 ;  barters  with  Indians,  21 ;  consulted  by 
the  governor,  25;  petitions  governor,  30;  embarks  in  open 
boat,  49  ;  his  boat  found,  92  ;  Figueroa's  account  of  his  end, 
93  ;  his  commission  recalled,  93. 

Ensayo  Cro,  20. 

Espanola,  20,  66,  212,  213,  219 ;  storm  at,  18  ;  wretchedness  in,  18. 

Espafiola,  audiencia  of,  205  ;  letter  to,  ix. 

Espiritu  Sancto  bay,  57,  87,  89,  234 ;  identical  with  Mobile  bay,  235. 

Espiritu,  Sancto  river,  96. 

Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  work  by  Buckingham  Smith,  258. 

Esquivel,  89,  93,  113 ;  slain  by  the  Mariames,  in  consequence  of  a 
dream,  87, 102, 107;  relation  received  from,  101. 

Estevanico,  a  black,  91,  112,  121,  122,  158,  159,  205,  236 ;  visits  Ca- 
be?a  de  Vaca,  84 ;  went  inland  to  the  Yguazes,  103 ;  parted 
with  to  the  Viceroy,  206 ;  killed,  237. 

Estrada,  visits  Cabe<^a  de  Vaca,  84. 

Estuary  entered,  55. 

Eudeve  language,  178 ;  dialect  of  the  Pima,  88 ;  vocabulary  of,  260. 


280  INDEX. 

Europeans,  slow  introduction  of  American  fruits  and  vegetables 

among,  165. 
Exchequer,  provisions  for  the  security  of  the,  212,  213,  214,  215,  220, 

221,  222. 

FALCONS,  37,  58. 

Factor  of  Florida,  no  appointment  to  the  office  of,  seems  ever  to  have 
been  made,  211 ;  instructions  to  the,  260. 

Farinaceous  food,  abundance  of,  239. 

Feathers,  bunches  of,  found,  24 ;  presented,  191, 194. 

Feather  work  presented,  162. 

Feet  cut  with  oysters,  in  wading,  30. 

Females  marry,  etc.,  again,  when  their  husbands  went  inland,  203  ; 
Indian,  destroyed  at  birth,  180. 

Fernandez,  Alvaro,  Portuguese  carpenter,  73. 

Fernandez,  Bartolome,  consulted  by  the  governor,  25. 

Fernandez,  Pero,  vii. 

Fernandina,  island  of,  208,  212. 

Fessenden,  Judge,  256. 

Fessenden,  William  Pitt,  of  Maine,  vi,  256. 

Festival,  Indian,  hearts  of  brutes  prepared  for,  177. 

Fidalgo  of  Elvas,  34. 

Figueroa,  73,  92,  94,  95,  96, 107, 116  ;  received  relation  from  Esquivel, 
101 ;  escaped,  101  ;  heard  from,  124. 

Fires,  Indian,  179. 

First-land-seen,  57. 

Fish,  Indian  mode  of  taking,  181 ;  in  great  plenty,  204. 

Florencia,  notice  of,  262. 

Florida,  42, 100, 139, 181,  202,  207,  208,  235,  236,  255,  261 ;  Cabe?a  de 
Vaca  summoned  before  the  Council  of  Indias  to  declare,  x  ; 
Cabeca  de  Vaca  landed  in,  12  ;  cape  of,  boundary  of  conquest, 
13 ;  first  mayor  and  aldermen  for,  18 ;  coast  of,  expedition  ar 
rived  on  the,  20 ;  coast  of,  explorations  on  the,  23 ;  cape  of,  20, 
71,  83,  210,  215  ;  description  of  Indians  in,  39  ;  peninsula  of, 
58 ;  government  of  conferred  on  Panphilo  de  Narvaez,  97  ;  cat 
tle  in,  107 ;  Romans's  history  of,  139  ;  instructions  to  the  factor 
of,  211 ;  incubus  on  the  prosperity  of,  257 ;  documents  relating 
to  the  history  of,  257 ;  history  of,  Buckingham  Smith's  earnest 
ness  in  collecting  materials  for  the,  259  ;  mild  climate  of,  262. 

Flints,  valuable,  presented,  121. 

Fly-catchers,  37. 

Font,  unpublished  journals  of,  258. 

Fontaneda,  Hernando  de  Escalante,  83 ;  memoir  of,  258. 

Force,  Peter,  library  of,  v. 


INDEX.  281 

Forests,  vast,  33. 

Fortifications,  custody  of  lands  for,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  209. 

Fortresses  to  be  made  at  Narvaez's  cost,  210. 

Fragrance  of  the  civet-marten  skin,  54. 

Franciscan  monks,  154,  236. 

Franco,  Bartholome  Hernandez,  alderman,  18. 

French,  single  edition  of  the  Relation  in,  viii. 

Friars  accompany  expedition,  13. 

Fruit,  abundance  of,  239. 

Fuel,  thirty  canoes  broken  up  for,  54. 

Funes,  254. 

GALENA,  pulverized,  presented,  150. 

Galisteo,  valley  of  the,  170. 

Galvano,  Antonie,  73. 

Garay,  20,  88. 

Garces,  unpublished  journals  of,  258. 

Garcia,  Bartholome,  friar,  153. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  18,  34,  55. 

Gardner,  Elizabeth  M.,  257. 

Gardner,  Julia  G.,  257. 

Gardner,  Reuben  G.,  257. 

Garfish  teeth,  scratching  with,   punishment  for  Indian  boys,  164 

165. 

Geese,  36. 
Gelves,  36. 

Genealogia  de  la  noble  y  antiqua  de  Cabeija  de  Vaca,  233. 
General  Historia  de  las  Yndias,  por  Don  Frai  Bartolome  de  las 

Casas,  99. 

Geografea  de  las  Lenguas  y  Carta  Etnografia  de  Mexico,  163. 
Georgia,  state  of,  66. 
Gerfalcons,  37. 
Germany,  208. 

Giants,  natives  likened  to,  39. 
Gibbs,  George,  256. 
Gibraleon,  204. 

Glass  broken,  scratching  with,  punishment  for  Indian  boys,  164. 
Gliph  of  Don  Pedro  Tetlahuehuetzquititzin,  44. 
Gold,  traces  of,  24,  176  ;  tinklets  of,  found,  21 ;  appearance  of,  153 ; 

from  barter  and  from  mines,  the  tenth,  Narvaez  petitions  for, 

209. 

Gomara,  Monarchia  Indiana,  100. 
Gomez,  Estevan,  voyage  of,  261. 
Goodman,  Edward,  256. 
36 


282  INDEX. 

Gourds,  bored,  sacred  instruments  of  the  Indians,  143 ;  presented, 

149,  191. 
Governor  and  chief  justice  for  life,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  208 ;  salary 

of,  210. 

Grand  del  Norte,  river,  89. 

Grass,  houses  of,  162  ;  seed  of,  Indians'  food,  169, 179. 
Guadalquiver,  river,  143, 162. 
Guadalupe,  delta  of  the,  89. 
Guaniguanico,  storm  at,  19. 
Guanin,  definition  of,  219. 
Guaranis,  Indians,  239,  244. 
Guasaves,  230. 
Guay cones,  Indians,  137. 
Guaycarus,  warlike  Indians,  242,  245. 
Guatimo,  emperor,  43. 
Guaymas,  178. 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  20. 
Gum,  sweet,  42. 

Gutierrez,  visits  Cabe<;a  de  Vaca,  84. 
Guzman,  181. 

HADAIES,  Indians,  127. 

Hakluyt's  Voyages  and  Discoveries,  128, 164. 

Han,  Indians,  82, 137. 

Hand,  pictures  of  the,  Indian  symbols,  171. 

Hare-hunting,  152. 

Hares,  36. 

Harlot,  M.  Tho.,  163. 

Harrisse,  Mr.,  251. 

Harvest,  Indian  festivals  at,  177. 

Havana,  Cuba,  20, 23, 204 ;  vessel  left  on  the  shore  of,  19 ,  harbor  of,  198. 

Haven  of  Bahia  de  Caballos,  51. 

Hawk-bell  of  copper,  presented,  150. 

Hawkbells  given  to  Indians,  66,  67 ;  given  to  Indian  chief,  31. 

Hawkins,  83. 

Hearts,  town  of,  description  of,  by  Benavides,  177. 

Hernandez,  Cabe<;a  de  Vaca's  secretary,  246,  250. 

Herrara,  34,  73, 181,  246,  251,  254;  quotation,  18. 

Heve,  language,  178 ;  dialect  of  the  Pima,  188  ;  Indians  of  Sonora, 

grammar  of  the  language  of,  260 ;  see  Eudeve. 
Hiaquis,  Indians,  230. 
Histoire  de  la  Floride  la  Port  d'Aute,  55. 
Historia  Apologetica  de  las  Yndias  Occidentales,  177. 
Historia  General  y  Natural  de  las  Indias,  22. 


INDEX.  283 

Historia  dc  la  Corapana  de  Jesus  en  Nueva  Espana,  178. 

Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva  Espana  y  Islas  de  Tierre  Firme,  78, 

206 ;  relation  given  in  the,  ix. 
Historia  de  los  Chichimecas,  43. 

Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva  Espana,  97. 
Historiadores  Primitivos  de  las  Indias  Occideutales  of  Barcia,  viii,  253. 
Historical  Collection  of  Ramusio,  viii. 
Historical  Magazine,  260. 
Historical  Society  of  New  York,  154. 
History,  Language,  and  Archaeology,  of  the  Pituos  of  the  River  Gila, 

New  Mexico,  258. 
History  of  Paraguay,  251. 
Horcasitas,  captain  general  of  Cuba,  71. 
Hornachos,  a  Moorish  woman  of,  203. 
Horses,  bottles  made  from  the  legs  of,  48 ;  all  consumed,  49 ;  number 

of,  killed  for  subsistence,  50. 
House  of  Contratacion  of  the  Indias,  212,  218. 
Houses,  Indian,  how  constructed,  104. 
Huehotzinco,  44. 
Huehue,  old  man,  44. 
Huexotzinco,  convent  of,  100. 
Huitztiliputzli,  44. 

Hurricane  at  Trinidad,  account  of,  16 ;  visited  the  Autillas,  18. 
Hurtado,  Lope,  79  ;  killed,  181. 

IBUERAS,  invasion  of,  43. 

Idolatry  called  in  question,  24,  28. 

Ilex  vomitiva,  139. 

Imprint,  first  of  the  Relation,  vi. 

Indians,  small  pox  among  the,  18  ;  first  appearance  of,  21 ;  captured, 
24 ;  their  evidence  of  a  vessel  lost,  28 ;  insult  expedition,  29 ; 
seen  wearing  many  plumes,  31 ;  hostility  of,  32 ;  serve  as 
guides,  32 ;  clothing  of,  35  ;  attack  from  behind  trees,  38 ;  con 
test  the  passage  of  a  lake,  39  ;  their  archery,  39  ;  personal  ap 
pearance,  39 ;  fell  upon  the  rear  guard,  40 ;  assault  by,  41 ;  con 
tentions  with,  48;  attack  expedition,  48,  53,  54;  powerful 
archery  of,  48 ;  abandon  canoes,  51 ;  fishermen,  52 ;  well 
formed,  53  ;  demand  hostages,  59 ;  huts  of  the,  tenantless,  65 ; 
pledge  of  friendship,  66;  bring  food,  67;  are  besought  for 
shelter,  69;  hospitality  of,  70;  their  duty  to  mourn  with 
friends  in  bereavement,  70 ;  custom  of  not  naming  the  dead, 
70 ;  destitution  among,  74 ;  great  commotion  among,  for  Christ 
ians  eating  their  dead,  74 ;  visited  by  a  disease  of  the  bowels, 
74 ;  their  nipples  and  lips  bored,  75  ; 


284  INDEX. 

Indians,  tlieir  women  accustomed  to  excessive  hard  labor,  75,  79 ; 
precarious  mode  of  subsistence,  75 ;  their  love  of  offspring, 
75;  matrimony  among,  76;  customs,  75,  76,  77;  nether 
lip  opened,  the  sign  !of  a  brave,  78 ;  live  on  oysters  three 
months  of  the  year,  79 ;  their  idea  of  increasing  their  wives' 
line  and  not  their  own,  79 ;  their  physicians,  80  ;  their  use  of 
cauteries,  81 ;  kind  treatment  by  the,  81 ;  go  naked,  82 ;  their 
mode  of  healing  early  observed,  82 ;  generosity  of  the,  82  ;  in 
capable  of  exertion  in  the  winter,  86 ;  cruelty  of,  87 ;  locality 
of  walnut  eating,  88 ;  subsist  on  walnuts  one-sixth  of  the  year, 
90 ;  blind,  92;  Christians  slaves  to,  101 ;  abused  Christians,  101 ; 
their  habit  of  running,  104 ;  cured  by  having  made  over  them 
the  sign  of  the  cross,  117  ;  ignorant  of  time,  124;  bestow  all 
their  time  in  obtaining  food,  126;  food  scarce  among,  129; 
custom  of  leaving  sick  to  perish,  131 ;  mode  of  settling  quarrels, 
132 ;  their  strategy  against  their  enemies,  132, 133 ;  women 
sometimes  the  cause  of  war,  133  ;  gross  barbarity  of,  134 ;  vigi 
lance  of,  in  war,  135,  136;  method  of  fighting,  135;  their 
effectual  maneuvering,  135 ;  advice  to  those  who  would 
fight  them,  136;  keener  senses  than  any  other  in  the  world, 
136  ;  produce  stupefaction  with  smoke,  138, 139 ;  their  tea,  138, 
139 ;  emasculated  and  impotent,  139 ;  bored  gourds  sacred  in 
struments  of  the,  142 ;  clouded  of  an  eye,  and  blind,  145 ;  great 
liars,  148 ;  their  astonishing  precision  with  clubs,  152 ;  their 
great  fear,  155, 157 ;  sicken  from  privation  and  labor,  156, 157 ; 
great  sympathy  of  relations  when  suffering,  and  no  feeling  dis 
played  when  dead,  157;  their  mode  of  cooking,  161 ;  fear  and 
superstition  of,  instance  of  by  Hariot,  163;  their  arcanum 
against  all  diseases,  165 ;  their  punishment  to  boys,  165 ;  rapid 
introduction  of  vegetables  among,  165;  instruction  to,  169; 
originally  worshipers  of  the  sun,  171 ;  flee  to  the  mountains 
from  the  Christians,  174,  175;  to  become  Christianized  must 
be  won  by  kindness,  175;  carried  away  by  Christians  in 
chains,  175 ;  regard  silver  and  gold  with  indifference,  177 ;  fes 
tivals  with  hearts  of  brutes,  179 ;  Ceri,  tribe  of,  in  a  state  of 
great  savagery,  179  ;  their  protection  against  the  weather,  179 ; 
Cabe?a  de  Vaca's  remarks  on,  179, 180;  Christianized,  195. 

Indians  to  be  made  slaves,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  209. 

Indias,  Council  of,  Cabeija  de  Vaca  summoned  before,  x. 

Indisposition,  custom  in  Indian  woman's,  139. 

Infants,  Indian,  rat  teeth  used  for  chastising,  158. 

Instruction,  given  to  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  for  his  observance  as  treasurer 
to  the  king  of  Spain  in  the  army  of  Narvaez  for  the  conquest 
of  Florida,  218-223;  to  the  factor  of  Florida,  211-215. 


INDEX.  285 

Iron  found,  28 ;  manufactured,  47 ;  scoria  of,  150 ;  traces  of,  seen, 

176 ;  nails  of,  Indian  ornaments,  181. 
Italian,  translation  of  the  Relation  published  in,  viii. 
Itenerario  del  Nuevo  Mundo  por  Mendoca,  162. 
Ito,  termination,  generally  misspelled  etto,  33. 
lumanos,  Indians,  163 ;  description  of,  162. 
Ixtlilxochitl,  43,  44. 

JAMAICA,  island  of,  212. 

Jaramillo,  Captain,  163, 181. 

Jerusalem  artichoke,  178. 

Jesuit  mission  of  Sonora,  82. 

Jesuits,  71. 

Joana,  Doua,  queen,  mother  of  Spain,  18. 

Jomard,  ancient  charts  published  by,  56. 

Jornada,  length  of  a,  18. 

Joust  of  reeds,  with  bulls,  196. 

Juego  de  herradura,  64. 

Juego  de  la  barra,  64. 

KALO,  Jesuits,  visit  to  the,  71. 

Kelly's  Universal  Cambist,  49. 

Keith,  Prof.,  U.  S.  K,  tabular  statement  of  old  and  new  styles,  114. 

Keys,  three  different,  to  be  used  to  obviate  fraud,  214,  222. 

Kin,  Indian,  180. 

Kingsborough,  44. 

LADDER,  dwellings  ascended  by,  236. 

Lakes  in  the  country  of  Apalachen,  36 ;  troublesome  of  fording,  36. 

Land,  twenty  leagues  square  of,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  209. 

Landoniere,  83. 

Lanegados,  Indians,  112. 

Language  of  signs,  168,  171. 

Languages,  Indian,  differences  in,  168. 

Larramendi,  188. 

Las  Casas,  Friar  Bartolome  de,    177 ;   his  General  Historia  de  las 

Tndias,  99. 

Laudonniere  Rene,  his  second  voyage,  127. 
Laurel  trees,  36. 

Lawson,  John,  surveyor  general  of  North  Carolina,  148. 
Lead,  traces  of,  seen,  176. 
League  distance  of  a,  in  the  narrative,  18. 
Le  Moyne,  83, 139. 
Le  premier  voyage  de  Amerigo  Vespucci,  58. 


286  INDEX. 

Letter,  from  a  missionary  to  the  Provincial  of  New  Spain,  respecting 
the  arrival  of  Indians  in  Cinaloa  from  the  Pimeria  Baja  in 
quest  of  friends,  who,  eighty  years  before  had  followed  Alvar 
Nunez  and  his  comrades,  223-231 ;  of  the  survivors  under 
Narv£ez,  ix. 

Liars,  Indians,  104. 

Library  of  Peter  Force,  v. 

Libro  de  la  Florida  de  Capitulaciones,  Asientos,  218. 

Linnets,  58. 

Linen  cloth  discovered,  24. 

Lions,  [Cougar],  36 ;  skin  used,  59. 

Lip  bored,  Indian  fashion,   75. 

Lipstones,  fashion  of  the,  78. 

Liquid  amber  trees,  36. 

Lisbon,  port  of,  200. 

Lizards,  Indians'  food,  79 ;  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103. 

Locusts,  Indians'  food,  179. 

Lonja,  manuscript  in  the,  x. 

Lopez,  Diego,  dead  body  of,  eaten,  74. 

Lopez,  Geronimo,  alderman,  18. 

Los  Cerillos,  turquoises  obtained  among,  170. 

Louisiane,  memoires  Historiques  sur  la,  139. 

MACANA,  club,  154. 

Madrid,  249,  259  ;  Academy  of  History  at,  18. 

Magdalena,  river  of  the,  41. 

Magnetism,  animal,  Indian  jugglers'  knowledge  of,  82. 

Magrimi,  desert  of,  163. 

Maine,  256,257. 

Maize,  brought  from  Aute,  47  ;  fields  in  the  country  of  Apalachen, 

36,  37  ;  flour  of,  247 ;  found,  24,  29,  35 ;  not  planted  for  want 

of  rain,  160  ;  planted  three  times  a  year,  172. 
Maldonado,  Castillo,  236. 
Maldonado,  Dona  Aldon<ja,  204 
Malicones,  Indians,  121, 125, 127. 
Malhado,  island  of,  73,  75,  92,  104, 113,  116,  131,  137, 180;  discovery 

of,  89. 

Mallards,  36. 

Manual  para  administrar  los  Santos  Sacramentos,  154. 
Mappemonde  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  56. 
Maps  and  notes,  attempt  to  trace  the  route  of  the  army  of  Narvaez 

with,  v. 

Mares  to  be  taken  from  the  Islands,  Narv&ez  petitions  for,  209. 
Mariame,  Indians,  101, 102, 116,  137, 179, 180,  235. 


INDEX.  287 

Marians,  Indians,  92. 

Mariarves,  Indians,  93. 

Marriage  state,  among  Yguazes,  102 ;  its  duration,  103. 

Marten-skins,  cloak  of,  given  for  passage,  84. 

Marquesite,  presented,  150. 

Marquez,  Pedro  Menendez,  a  letter  of,  260. 

Matachin  dances  of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  44. 

Matagorda,  bay  of,  89,  235. 

Mats,  articles  of  barter,  126 ;  tribute  paid  in,  193. 

Maury,  M.  F.,  letter  from,  113, 114. 

Mavila,  town  of,  64. 

Mayor  for  the  first  town  in  Florida,  18. 

Meat,  raw,  better  for  digestion  than  roasted,  127. 

Medina  del  Campo,  205. 

Megre,  Father,  178. 

Melon,  early  introduction  of,  among  the  Indians,  165. 

Memoir  of  Hernando  de  Escalante  Fontaneda,  258. 

Menaces  from  the  natives,  22. 

Men,  old,  held  by  the  Yguazes  in  little  esteem,  104. 

Mendez,  73,  93 ;  killed  in  consequence  of  a  dream,  87. 

Mendica,  Indians,  137. 

Mendo9a,  his  project,  206;  letter  of,  to  the  king,  206;  his  Itenerario 

del  NuevoMundo,  162 ;  requires  of  the  survivors,  a  map  of  the 

territories  over  which  they  traveled,  ix. 
Merlins,  37. 

Mexicans,  Matachin  dances  of  the  ancient,  44. 
Mexico,  ix,  100, 196, 197,  205,  224,  223, 231,  236,  255, 256 ;  coast  of,  165 ; 

description  of  a  ball  hi,  78 ;  gulf  of,  20,  88;  retreat  from,  43  ; 

Mr.  Smith  appointed  secretary  of  legation  to,  257. 
Mezquiquez,  wholesome  food  when  eaten  with  earth,  140 ;  method  of 

preparing,  140 ;  see  Mezquite. 
Mezquite,  its  classification,  143. 
Mimosse,  143. 
Miracles,  252,  253. 
Miruelo,  bay,  58. 
Miruelo,  Diego,  20. 
Miruelo,  pilot,  his  knowledge  of  the  position  of  the  river  Palmas, 

19 ;  puts,  vessels  among  the  shoals,  19 ;  his  ignorance  of  lo 
cality,  23. 

Mississippi,  river,  64,  143. 
Mitote,  mystic  singing  and  dancing,  79. 
Mobile  bay  and  Pearl  river,  territory  between,  probably  the  scene  of 

Cabe^a  de  Vaca's  six  years'  captivity,  235 ;  identical  with  the 

Bay  Espiritu  Sancto,  235. 


288  INDEX. 

Moctezuma,  42,  43, 193. 

Moles,  seed  eaters,  160. 

Monarchia  Indiana  3a  P.  Gomara,  100. 

Monge,  unpublished  journals  of,  258. 

Moors,  Christian  army  advances  against  the,  234. 

Moquis,  territory  of  the  exploring  expedition  to  the,  235. 

Mortars,  for  cracking  maize,  35. 

Morton,  Jackson,  senator  from  Florida,  vi. 

Mosquitos,  plentiful  supply  of,  77;  mode  of  protection  against,  105, 

106 ;  their  tormenting  qualities,  106. 
Motonia,  Padre,  206. 
Mountains,  none  seen,  nor  information  of  any  whatsoever,  49 ;  seen, 

145. 

Mulatos,  stream,  178. 
Mulberries,  92. 

Mullet,  181 ;  dried,  found,  51. 
Munoz's  Collection,  18. 

Murphy,  Hon.  Henry  C.,  of  Brooklyn,  iv,  262. 
Muscle  shoals,  235. 

Musetti,  Juan  Pedro,  book  merchant  of  Medina  del  Campo,  205. 
Muskokes,  Indians,  164. 

NACACEBA,  154. 

Nagacloch,  Indians,  42, 114. 

Nachitoches,  river,  127. 

Nagera,  Castenada,  Relations  of,  236. 

Narv6ez  and  Florida,  260. 

Navajos,  Indians,  170. 

Navarra,  yeomen  of,  exercise  of  juego  de  la  barra  among,  64. 

Navarre,  king  of,  234. 

Navarrete  Viages  Menores,  20. 

Navas,  battle  of,  233. 

Navigation,  want  of  knowledge  of,  49. 

Needle,  scratching  with,  punishment  for  Indian  child,  165. 

Negroes,  aged  and  infirm,  Buckingham  Smith's  humanity  to,  261. 

Nets,  articles  of  barter,  126. 

Netzahualcoyotl,  43. 

Netzaxualpilli,  42,  43. 

Nevomes,  Indians,  178,  230 ;  evidence  of  their  early  attachment  to 
the  Spaniards,  224 ;  their  settlements,  224 ;  information  of,  the 
earliest  and  most  accurate,  223 ;  character  of,  223,224;  their 
modesty  and  honesty,  224;  ask  holy  baptism  and  residence 
among  Christians,  224,  225. 

New  England  Historic-Genealogical  Society,  259. 


INDEX. 


289 


New  Galicia,  182 ;  province  of,  184. 

New  Mexico,  236. 

New  Spain,  66,  69,  97,  202,  204,  205. 

New  York  Historical  Society,  259,  262. 

Nieremberg,  Juan  Eusebio,  230. 

Night  herons,  37. 

Nipples  bored,  Indian  fashion,  75. 

Nisa,  Melchior  Diaz,  Spanish  explorer,  236. 

Nora  Typis  Transacta  Navigatio  Novi  Orbis  Indiae  Occidentalis,  253. 

North  America,  discovery  of  the  northern  coast  of,  260. 

North  sea,  145, 148, 162. 

Noticias  Historicas  de  Nuno  de  Guzman,  100. 

Nuevo  Mexico,  163. 

OAKS,  evergreen,  36. 

Oars,  made  from  savins,  48. 

Obligation,  admissions  of,  to  patrons,  vi. 

Ocean  sea,  208". 

Ochete,  42. 

Ochile,  Indian  chief,  34. 

Ochre  presented,  145. 

Ohque,  163  ;  see  San  Juan. 

Oiua-Slakke-uche,  river,  34. 

Ojuelos,  184. 

Olid,  43. 

Opata,  language,  188. 

Oran,  Africa,  penal  colony,  250,  251. 

Orange  tree,  culture  of  the,  262. 

Orden  Real,  154, 223. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  163 ;  his  map  of  Mexico,  169. 

Orthuesens,  Indians,  243. 

Osachile,  Indian  chief,  34 

Oviedo,  17,  18,  22,  23,  34,  64,  66,  98,  107,  116;  text  of,  tangled,  95; 
translator's  strictures  on,  ix, 

Oviedo,  Lope,  returns  with  the  Deaguanes,  88. 

Oysters,  81 ;  abundant,  41 ;  feet  cut  with,  30 ;  Indians'  food  for  quar 
ter  of  the  year,  77,  79. 

PACIFIC  Ocean,  148. 
Palache,  42. 

Palachen,  differently  spelled,  28 ;  gold  in,  24. 
Palacios,  dead  body  of,  eaten,  74. 

Palrnas,  river,  51,  218;  boundary  of  conquest,  13;  pilot  Miruelo's 
knowledge  of  the  position  of,  19. 
87 


290  INDEX 

Paltnitos,  29,  36 ;  used  for  tow,  47,  48. 
Palou,  Father  Francis,  letter  of,  260. 
Panama,  148. 

Pantoja,  Captain,  61,  93;  ordered  to  go  for  stores,  14;  lieutenant  go 
vernor,  94 ;  his  severity,  94  ;  killed,  94. 
Panuco,  20,  26,  73,  89,  93,  94,  95,  96,  203. 
Panzacola,  64. 
Parabol,  river,  244. 
Paraconsi,  Floridian,  127. 
Paraguay,  251. 
Parana,  river,  239. 

Pardo's  exploration  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  260. 
Pareja,  notice  of,  262. 
Pariembos,  fierce  tribe  of  Indians,  238. 
Parrots,  feathers  of,  article  of  barter,  167. 
Partidos  of  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  14. 
Partridges,  37,  58. 

Passaguates,  Indians,  162. 

Patarabueyes,  Indians,  162  ;  see  Jumanos,  162. 
Patronato  of  the  Lonja,  Sevilla,  162. 

Pearls.  195. 

Pearl  river  and  Mobile  bay,  territory  between,  probably  the  scene  of 
Cabeqa  de  Vaca's  six  years'  captivity,  235. 

Pensacola  bay,  116. 

Pensacola,  the  siege  of,  in  1781,  260. 

Penaloza,  Captain,  62, 113 ;  in  ambuscade,  54. 

People  of  the  Figs,  Indians,  116, 124, 137. 

People-of-the-Flat-Roof-Houses,  Indians,  163 ;  see  Querechos. 

Pequefio,  signification  of,  66. 

Perez,  Anton,  pilot,  97. 

Perez,  Father  Martin,  154,  230;  visitant,  225. 

Perrillo  pequeno,  signification  of,  66. 

Perro  mudo,  66. 

Persian  turquoise,  170. 

Petaan,  193. 

Petachan,  river,  191. 

Petatlan,  river,  178, 181, 184,  193,  236;  fort  erected  on  the  banks  of, 
for  safety,  224. 

Petition  of  Cabe(;a  de  Vaca,  governor  of  La  Plata,  to  the  Council  of 
the  Indias,  231. 

Petlatitlan,  meaning  of,  193. 

Petlatl,  meaning  of,  193. 

Petutan,  river,  176. 

Philiponas,  Father  Honorio,  253. 


INDEX.  291 

Physicians  without  diplomas,  80. 

Piahi,  64. 

Picardo,  Juan,  printer  of  books,  205. 

Pike,  57. 

Pirna  nation,  178,  230 ;    or  Nevome,  language,  188,  199 ;  grammar  of 

the,  260. 

Pimentel,  fifth  Count  of  Benevente,  206. 
Pimos,  territory  of  the,  exploring  expedition  to  the,  235. 
Pin,  scratching  with,  a  punishment  for  Indian  child,  165. 
Pine,  seed  of,  for  food,  150 ;  how  prepared,  150  ;  trees,  36. 
Pineda,  20 ;  first  voyage  of,  88. 
Pinole,  Indians'  food,  169. 
Pipkins,  Indians'  ignorance  of  the  use  of,  161. 
Pitahaya,  prickly  pear,  179. 
Pitchers,  clay,  53. 

Pitchlynn,  Peter  P.,  chief  of  the  Chatas,  70,  79,  171. 
Placer  ridges,  170. 

Plantations  destroyed  at  Espanola,  and  Portorico,  18. 
Plautus,  Caspar,  abbot,  253. 
Plot  to  abandon  the  governor  and  the  sick,  45. 
Poison  for  Indian  arrows,  172;  effect  on  deer,  173;  used  to  catch 

fish,  181. 

Poisoning,  Indian  method  of  curing,  83. 
Porcallo,  Vasco,  of  Cuba,  94 ;  gift  of  provisions,  14. 
Port,  the  best  in  the  world,  204. 

Portorico,  letter  to  the  emperor  from,  18 ;  storm  at,  18. 
Portuguese,  discoverers,  57;  explorers  massacred,  239;  navigators, 

usage  of  in  measuring,  18. 
Practice,  a  diabolical,  139. 
Pregnancy,  custom  in,  131. 
Presidio  del  Norte,  165,  169. 
Prickly  pears,  116, 117, 118, 119,  120,  122,  125,  126,  147,  150,  153,  179  ; 

description  of,  91 ;  food  for  Indians  quarter  of  the  year,  92, 

109,  111 ;  several  kinds  of,  112  ;  season  of,  the  happiest  time 

for  the  Indians,  104,  110 ;  mode  of  preparing,  105 ;  leaves  of 

the,  for  food,  129, 130. 
Priests,  brief  of  authority  submitted  to,  243. 
Primahaitu,  187. 
Proclamation  to,  and  requirement  to  be  made  of,  the  Inhabitants  of 

the  countries  and  provinces  that  there  are  froni  Rio  de  Palmas 

to  the  Cape  of  Florida,  215-218. 
Procyon  lotor,  66. 
Proem,  11. 
Property,  depreciation  of,  through  the  Southern  war,  261. 


292  INDEX. 

Ptolomeus,  57. 

Pueblo  de  los  Corazones,  172  ;  founded,  178. 

Pumpkins,  38,  41 ;  Indians' food,  159 ;  presented,  159, 161,166;  early 

introduction  of,  among  the  Indians,  165. 
Purchas,  253. 

QUARBA,  valley  of,  163. 
Quarrels,  Indian,  how  settled,  132. 
Quetzalitztli,  derivation  of,  171. 
Quevenes,  Indians,  88,  93,  97, 133, 137,  163. 
Quitoks,  Indians,  137. 
Quivara,  153. 

RABBITS,  36. 

Raccoon,  66. 

Rain  prayed  for,  160. 

Rain  water,  beverage  of  Indians,  112. 

Ramirez,  Josfe  Fernando,  78, 100,  257. 

Ramusio,  261 ;  his  Historical  Collection,  viii. 

Ranjel,  34. 

Rat,  sharp  teeth  of,  Indian  instrument  of  chastisement  for  infants,  158. 

Rats,  Indians'  food,  79. 

Recopilacion  Mejico,  205. 

Red-oaks,  36. 

Reeds,  joust  of,  with  bulls,  196. 

Rela^am  Verdadeira,  42  ;  by  the  Knight  of  Elvas,  42. 

Relation,  first  imprint  of  the,  vi ;  its  title  page  and  colophon,  vi,  vii ; 
next  edition,  in  black  letter,  connected  with  a  work  in  another 
hand,  vi ;  its  title  page,  vi ;  difference  in  the  two  editions,  vii ; 
title  of  the  third  and  last  issue  in  Spanish,  viii ;  translation  of 
published  in  Italian,  viii ;  single  edition  of,  in  French,  viii ; 
only  literal  version  in  English,  viii. 

Relation  du  Voyage  de  Cibola  entrepris  en  1540,  236. 

Repartimientos,  Indians  to  be  set  free  from,  228. 

Report  of  the  U.  S.  Coast  surveyor,  1859,  89. 

Reptiles,  Indians'  food,  179. 

Republic,  the  freest  among  the  Indians,  181. 

Residents,  duty  free  for  ten  years,  Narviez  petitions  for,  209. 

Resin,  48. 

Review  of  force  to  date,  50. 

Ribas,  Padre,  143,  230;  missionary  in  Cinaloa,  78;  account  of  Indian, 
physicians,  83. 

Riggs,  George  W.,  Jr.,  v,  258. 

Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  143, 170. 


INDEX.  293 

Rio  de  las  Palmas,  208,  211,  215, 218,  219 ;  latitude  of;  17. 

Rio  de  la  Plata,  238,  254  ;  province  of,  231,  250. 

Rio  Grande,  river,  165. 

Rios,  port  of,  245. 

Rochefort,  notice  of,  262. 

Rockweed,  92,  95. 

Roes,  dried,  found,  51. 

Romans,  78, 164  ;  History  of  Florida,  139. 

Rornen,  Don  Garcia,  234. 

Ropes  made  of  horse  hair,  48. 

Royal  Audience  of  Sevilla,  251. 

Royal  ducks,  37. 

Royal  rents,  Narvaez  petitions  for  the  tenth  of,  209. 

Rudo  Ensayo,  tentativa  de  una  prevencional  Descripcion  de  la  Pro- 

vincia  de  Sonora,  261. 
Ruiz,  Gon<jalo,  dead  body  of,  eaten,  74 
Rush,  powder  of,  Indians'  food,  172. 
Russell,  Prof.  William  C.,  256. 

SAILS,  made  from  shirts,  48. 

St.  Andrews,  116. 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  255,  256,  260  ;  harbor  of,  128. 

St.  Catharine's,  Brazil,  238,  240,  241. 

St.  Francis,  order  of,  177. 

Saint  lago,  vespers  of,  196. 

Saint  John's  day,  33. 

Saint  Lawrence,  200. 

St.  Thomas,  243. 

Sabine,  river,  127. 

Salamanders,  food  of  Yguazes,  103. 

Salmon,  57. 

Salt,  duty  free  for  ten  years,  Narvaez  petitions  for,  209 ;  from  the  lakes, 

162. 

Salt  water,  men  crazed  with  drinking,  52. 
Saluzar,  captain,  delegated  lieutenant  in  the  government,  248. 
San  Antonio,  mission  of,  154. 
San  Antonio,  bay  of,  89. 
San  Bartolome,  valley  of,  162. 
Sand  mounds,  89. 

San  Juan,  island  of,  18,  212,  213 ;  town,  163. 
San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  fleet  sailed  from,  13. 
San  Marcos  de  Apalache,  55. 
San  Miguel,  town,  184, 194, 196. 
San  Saba  mountains,  148. 


294  INDEX. 

Santa  Barbara,  mines  of,  162. 

Santa  Fe,  170 ;  river,  128. 

Santa  Fee,  Historia  de  los  Triumphos  de  nuestra,  143. 

Sautander,  232. 

Sant  Joan,  island,  57. 

Sant  Miguel,  strait,  51. 

Santo  Domingo,  99 ;  number  of  men  left  fleet  at,  50 ;  island  of,  fleet 
arrived  at,  12, 13  ;  ship  bought  at,  14. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  79, 212, 252, 258 ;  municipality  of,  34 ;  port  of  Cuba, 
supplies  obtained  at,  14. 

Satouriova,  127. 

Savin  trees,  36. 

Sawane  river,  34. 

Saya,  root,  178. 

Scarcity,  year  of,  225. 

Schmidel,  Ulrica,  240,  241,  242,  243,  245,  254;  relation  of,  237. 

Schoolcraft,  Mr.,  258  ;  Indian  tribes,  165. 

Sea  beads,  article  of  traffic,  86. 

Sea  snail,  pieces  of,  articles  of  traffic,  85. 

Seed  time,  Indian  festivals  at,  177. 

Seminole,  34. 

Seminole  and  Mickasuke  tongues,  vocabularies  of  the,  260. 

Senora,  valley  of,  177. 

Senses,  Indians',  keener  than  any  other  in  the  world,  136. 

Sevilla,  143, 162,  218,  222 ;  Archive  de  Indias  at,  207,  215,  218;  arri 
val  of  Alvar  Nunez  at,  x  ;  city  of,  211,  212,  213,  214. 

Seville,  251 ;  archives  explored  at,  259 ;  Archivo  general  de  Indias 
at,  211. 

Sexual  intercourse,  Indian,  not  permitted  in  his  own  nation,  180. 

Shawls  presented,  174,  193. 

Shea,  John  Gilmary,  iv. 

Shoals,  dangerous,  19. 

Shoes,  pieces  of,  found,  28. 

Ships  lost  on  the  breakers,  202. 

Shirts,  Indian,  167. 

Sibola,  herds  of,  163. 

Sierra,  dead  body  of,  eaten,  74. 

Sierra  Mad  re,  42. 

Signs,  language  of,  168,171. 

Siguenza,  notice  of,  262. 

Silver,  bags  of,  [small  pearls]  presented,  145. 

Simancas,  archives  explored  at,  259. 

Sinaloa,  178,  230,  258  ;  province  of,  223. 

Sins,  weight  of,  a  prevention  to  heal,  121. 


INDEX.  295 

Skins,  cast  like  serpents,  125. 

Slavery  amongst  the  Indians,  101,  102  ;  Indian,  in  Narvaez's  petition, 
209  ;  abolition  of,  254. 

Slings,  Indian,  59. 

Small-pox  finished  the  Indians  in  Espanola,  18. 

Smith,  Thomas  Buckingham,  251,  252 ;  admissions  of  obligation  to 
patrons,  vi ;  fills  an  official  position  in  Mexico,  vi ;  finds  a 
field  for  historical  investigation,  vi;  holds  a  position  near 
the  court  of  Madrid,  vi ;  strictures  on  Oviedo,  ix ;  letter 
from  M.  F.  Maury,  114;  memoir  of,  255-264;  of  New  England 
origin,  255  ;  his  parentage,  255 ;  in  Mexico  in  his  youth,  256 ; 
becomes  the  ward  of  his  uncle  at  the  death  of  his  father,  256 ; 
placed  in  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  256  ;  his  friendships,  256 ; 
entered  the  Cambridge  Law  School,  256 ;  studied  law  in 
Maine,  256 ;  returned  to  St.  Augustine  and  practiced  his  pro 
fession,  256;  entered  the  field  of  politics,  256;  elected  to  the 
Florida  assembly,  256 ;  took  a  decided  stand  against  the  party 
of  inflation,  257 ;  taste  for  historical  studies  developed  itself, 
257 ;  his  marriage,  257 ;  withdrew  from  active  political  life, 
257 ;  appointed  to  the  post  of  secretary  of  legation  to  Mexico, 
257  ;  by  aid  of  friends  began  to  collect  documents  relating  to 
the  history  of  Florida,  257 ;  his  fitness  foj  Spanish  diplomacy, 
257 ;  represented  the  United  States  as  charge  d'affaires,  257 ; 
resumed  duties  as  secretary,  257;  recalled,  257;  his  English 
version  of  the  narrative  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabe<ja  de  Vaca,  258; 
translated  with  care,  258 ;  his  notes  on  the  memoir  of  Hernando 
de  Escalaute  Fontaneda,  258 ;  his  summary  of  Soto's  expedi 
tion,  258 ;  contributed  a  series  of  Mexican  extracts  for  Mr. 
Schoolcraft's  work,  258 ;  enrolled  as  corresponding  member 
in  various  learned  societies,  259  ;  appointed  secretary  of  lega 
tion  to  Spain,  259 ;  his  zeal  in  exploring  archives,  etc.,  for  his 
history  of  Florida,  259 ;  always  compared  his  proof  with  the 
original  document,  259 ;  recalled,  259 ;  death  of  his  mother, 
260;  his  contributions  to  history,  260,  261,  262;  bereaved  of 
his  wife,  261 ;  did  not  share  in  the  enthusiasm  of  the  South  in 
the  late  war,  261 ;  his  property  depreciated  through  the  war, 
261  ;  maintained  aged  family  slaves  after  emancipation,  261 ; 
visits  Spain  and  was  successful  in  seeking  new  material  for 
historical  discussion,  and  imported  the  best  varieties  of  the 
orange  tree,  262 ;  acted  as  tax  commissioner  in  Florida,  262  ; 
never  satisfied  with  his  labors,  262;  shrank  from  responsi 
bility,  262  ;  consumption  had  made  fatal  progress,  263;  urged 
by  his  physician  to  return  at  once  to  his  rooms,  263  ;  became 
bewildered,  hurried  to  an  hospital  and  died,  263 ;  eulogy  on,  263. 


296  INDEX. 

Smith,  Hannah  [Anita],  255. 

Smith,  Josiah,  255. 

Smith,  Robert,  256. 

Smoke,  used  by  Indians  to  produce  stupefaction,  138, 139 

Snakes,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103  ;  Indians'  food,  79. 

Socorro,  163. 

Socorinos,  Indians,  244. 

Sole,  57. 

Song  of  spring,  extract  from  the,  43. 

Sonora,  177, 178, 179 ;  Jesuit  mission  of  the,  82  ;  Indians  of,  143  ; 
province  of  the  valley  of,  177. 

Soto-Mayor,  camp-master,  kills  Pantoja,  94 ;  died,  94 ;  eaten  by  Es- 
quivel,  94. 

South  America,  Spanish  conquests  in,  238. 

South,  enthusiasm  of  the,  261. 

South  sea,  148, 152, 176, 177, 182, 195. 

Southern  states,  139. 

Spaniards,  discoveries,  67  ;  the  Nevomes  always  kept  good  faith  with 
the,  223. 

Spanish,  the  third  and  last  issue  of  the  Relation  in,  viii ;  settlements 
on  the  gulf  of  California,  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  arrived  at,  12 ; 
goods,  price  of,  raised  through  war  with  France,  18 ;  cases 
containing  dead  bodies,  24, 203  ;  navigators,  usage  of,  in  mea 
suring,  18 ;  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  127  ;  diplomacy,  Smith's 
fitness  for,  257. 

Spain,  36 ;  fleet  from,  12 ;  number  of  men  sailed  from,  50 ;  exercise 
of  juego  de  la  barra  in,  64 ;  court  of,  urgent  entreaties  sent  to 
the,  for  succor,  238 ;  Buckingham  Smith  appointed  secretary 
of  legation  to,  259. 

Sparrow-hawks,  37. 

Spelling  of  Indian  names,  difference  in,  vii. 

Spiders,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103 ;  Indians'  food,  79 ;  presented  to 
be  blessed,  153. 

Statue,  covered  with  blood,  177. 

Stick,  curved,  of  the  bird  hunter  of  the  Nile,  154. 

Stone  and  lime,  houses  of,  162. 

Stone,  scarce  for  ballast,  48. 

Stone,  Gen.  Carlos  P.,  his  map,  168. 

Stony  mountains,  170,  171. 

Straw,  armful  of,  tied  at  the  top,  Indians'  only  protection  from  the 
weather,  179  ;  powder  of,  Indians'  food,  167, 172. 

Strait  Sant  Miguel,  51. 

Stupefaction  produced  by  smoke,  138, 139. 

Styles,  old  and  new,  tabular  statement  by  Prof.  Keith,  114. 


INDEX.  297 

Sugar  works  destroyed  at  Espanola,  18. 

Sun,  children  of  the,  cognomen,  123 ;  Indians  originally  worshipers  of 

the,  171 ;  salutation  to  the,  171. 
Sarucusis,  island  of,  243 ;  Indians,  242,  243, 244, 245. 
Susolas,  Indians,  121,137. 
Sivan,  Major  Caleb,  164. 
Sweet  gum,  42. 

TABLE-TIPPING,  Indian  jugglers'  knowledge  of  the  force  of,  82. 

Tabvla  Prima,  referred  to  in  chart,  56. 

Tabula  Secvnda,  referred  to  in  chart,  56. 

Tampa  bay,  34,  58,  258 ;  expedition  represented  to  have  landed  at, 

235. 

Tangier,  Arab  boys  darting  sticks  in,  154. 
Taraumar,  169. 
Tavera,  died,  73. 
Tudela  on  the  Duero,  97. 

Tea,  Indian,  138, 139  ;  Charlevoix's  account  of  preparing,  139. 
Techo's  Historia  Provinciae  Paraguariae  Leodii,  252. 
Tegueca,  Indians,  181. 
Teguacan,  town  of,  205. 
Tekora,  town  of  178. 

Tellez,  Captain,  62,  113 ;  in  ambuscade,  54. 
Temastian  (Temachtiani)  230  ;  signification  of,  225. 
Tempest,  calmed  miraculously,  249. 
Temochula,  river,  181,  182. 
Teneriffe,  163. 
Tenessee  river,  235. 

Tepeguajes,  143 ;  see  mezquiquez  and  mezquite. 
Terceira,  island,  200. 
Ternaux,  M.,  233. 
Tescuco,  38. 

Tetlahuehuezquiziti,  prince  (Don  Pedro),  43 ;  his  gliph,  44. 
Tetzcoco,  city  of,  42,  43. 
Texan  lagoons,  181. 
Texas,  89, 179, 235. 

Texas,  meinoria  for  the  history  of,  154 ;  warring  savages  in,  153. 
Tezaico,  42. 
Tezcucano,  44. 

Thatch  used  for  covering  houses,  35. 
Thebes,  tombs  of,  representations  on,  154. 
Theodoro,  116  ;  Dorotheo,  Greek,  accompanies  Indians,  55. 
Theology,  Indians  instructed  in,  192,  193 ;  their  ideas  of,  192. 
Thieves,  Indians,  104. 

38 


298  INDEX. 

Thirst,  seven  men  died  of,  188. 

Thread,  mantelets  of,  35. 

Tierre  firma,  66. 

Tiger  [jaguar],  one  of  the  expedition  killed  by  a,  240. 

Tiguex,  province  of,  153. 

Tillandsia  usneoides,  covering  for  Indians,  83. 

Timuquan  tribe,  42,  139;  fac  simile  of  a  petition  of  the,  260;  book 

printed  in  the,  260. 
Tinklet  of  gold,  found,  21. 
Tlasotetl,  definition  of,  170. 

Tlaltelalco,  convent  of,  gallery  of  paintings,  100.    . 
Tlasc^la,  Indians  of,  230. 
Tlatolli,  signification  of,  229. 
Tobosos,  Indians,  162, 163. 
Tocobaga,  bay,  58. 
Toledo,  98 ;  council  in,  208. 
Topia,  mountains  of,  78,  181. 
Torquemada,  99, 100,  229. 
Torre  del  Oro,  .143. 
Tostado,  visits  Cabe9a  de  Vaca,  84. 
Totontzin  (Lion  arm),  43. 
Tow,  palmitos  used  for,  47. 
Town  of  Hearts,  177. 

Towns  burned  by  the  Christians,  174 ;  with  habitations,  236. 
Translados  de  la  Florida,  Capitulaciones,  Asientos,  215. 
Translation,  first,  of  the  Relation,  v. 

Treasurer  of  Rio  de  las  Palmas,  the  duties  of  his  office,  218-223. 
Trees,  astonishingly  high,  33;  river  from  top  to  bottom,  33. 
Triana,  143. 

Tribute,  assessed  anew  on  the  Indias,  206. 
Trinidad,  port  of,  14;  terrible  storm  at,  1G;  arrival  and  stay  ot   De 

Narv£ez  at,  17;  number  of  men  lost  in  the  ships  at,  50. 
Triumphos,  230. 
Tropic  of  Cancer,  18. 
Truffles,  Indians'  food,  79. 
Turkey,  no  mention  made  of  the,  42. 
Turquoises,  x,  237  ;  account  of,  170;  presented  167,  191. 
Tzinaloa,  184. 

U^ACHTLE,  Indian  chief,  34. 

United  States,  Buckingham  Smith  represented  the,  near  the  govern 
ment  of  Mexico,  257. 
Urdaide,  captain,  231. 
Urican  at  Espanola,  and  Portorico,  18. 


INDEX.  299 

Ulina,  Olata  Ouae,  128. 
Uzachil,  Indian  chief,  34. 

VAGUEROS,  Indians,  163. 

Valdivieso,  Pedro,  95;  visits  Cabesade  Vaca,  84;  killed  for  diversion 
87,  102,  108. 

Valen^uela.  captain,  sent  to  seek  an  harbor,  30 ;  returned,  unsuccess 
ful,  31. 

Valladolid,  97,  223,  251,  232 ;  Cabe^a  de  Vaca  appeared  before  Charles 
V,  at,  x. 

Vaudersipi,  Father,  230. 

Vasconyados,  187. 

Vascuence,  189. 

Vanegas,  Garcia,  244. 

Vasquez,  Alonzo,  Memoirs  of,  260. 

Veachile,  Indian  chief,  34. 

Velasquez,  Juan,  native  of  Cuellar,  99;  drowned,  32;  dictionary  of, 
209. 

VeraCruz,  18, 165, 197, 205,  235 ;  Cabe^a  de  Vaca's  departure  from,  12. 

Verrazano,  inquiry  into  the  authenticity  of  documents  concerning  a 
discovery  in  North  America  claimed  to  have  been  made  by, 
262 ;  his  map  of  the  world,  260  ;  as  a  discoverer,  260 ;  his  voy 
age,  261 ;  notice  of,  262. 

Verrazano  voyage,  examination  into  the,  262. 

Vespucius  and  his  first  voyage,  260.- 

Vidas  Exemplaires,  230. 

Vipers,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103. 

Virginia,  163. 

Voyages  and  Dicoveries,  Hakluyt's,  164. 

Voyages  Relations  et  Memoires  de  1'Amerique,  233. 

WALNUT  trees,  36. 

Walnuts,  how  prepared  for  food.  90. 

War,  Indians  waging  continual,  180. 

War  with  France  raised  the  price  of  Spanish  goods,  in  Espanola,  18. 

Washington  (D.  C.),  113. 

Washington  (now  Trinity)  College,  Hartford,  256. 

Water,  lack  of,  126. 

Watertown,  Conn.,  255. 

Waxed  linen  used  to  conceal  papers,  247. 

Wears,  skillfully  made,  78  ;  of  cane,  Indian  mode  of  fishing,  74, 75. 

Wheat,  cracked,  Indians'  food,  169. 

Wind,  north-east,  prevalent,  204. 

Wiroans  Wingiua,  Indians,  164. 


300  TNT)  FA'. 

Withlacooche,  river,  34. 

Wives,  Indian,  obtained  from  the  enemy,  180. 

Women,  Indian,  movement  of,  pernicious  effect  of,  138 ;  custom  in 
indisposition  of,  139  ;  held  by  the  Yguazes  in  little  esteem,  104 ; 
sometimes  the  cause  of  war.  133  ;  mat  carriers,  152  ;  hand 
some,  presented  to  Estevan,  237. 

Wood,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103. 

Woolen  cloth  discovered,  24. 

Worms,  food  of  the  Yguazes,  103  ;  presented,  to  be  sanctified,  153. 

XAGUA,  port  of,  fleet  passes  winter  at,  17;  number  of  men  sailed  from, 
50. 

Xamo,  island,  73. 

Xerex  de  la  Frontera,  205. 

Xiuhtic,  meaning  of,  171. 

Xiuitl,  meaning  gf,  171. 

Xuarez,  Juan,  commissary,  13,  38,73,95,  99,100;  accompanies  the  go 
vernor  in  his  explorations,  23;  burns  cases  with  dead  bodies, 
24 ;  consulted  by  the  governor,  25 ;  his  views  on  embarking, 
26;  accompanies  expedition,  29;  petitions  governor,  30;  em 
barks  in  open  boat,  49. 

YAK&MI,  river,  182. 

Yastasitasitan-ne,  Indian  deity,  163. 

Yecora,  town  of,  178. 

Yeguaz,  Indians,  180. 

Yerba,  poison  used  on  arrows,  181. 

Yguacu,  river,  229. 

Yguazes,  Indians,  92, 102, 137 ;  good  archers,  103. 

Ynca,  statement  by  the,  55. 

Yupon,  Indian  tea,  139. 

Yxtlilxochitl,  42,  44. 

ZAMORA,  city  of,  205. 

Zandia,  mountains  of,  170. 

Zarate,  x. 

Zeburos,  alcalde,  188. 

Zuaque,  178 ;  see  Cinaloa. 

Zuaque,  Indians,  181. 

Zuni,  territory  of  the,  exploring  expedition  to  the,  235. 


